In a victory for the New York-based hedge fund, Elliot Management Corp., the U.S. Supreme Court decided against hearing an appeal from Argentina on Monday, meaning that the South American nation will have to meet its debt obligations on defaulted notes from 2001 in full, despite having restructured its debt.
The Argentine government has until June 30 to reach a settlement before the payment is due to all creditors who refused to accept the country’s debt restructuring, including Elliot Management Corp., at a cost of $15 billion. The high court’s decision not to hear the case is the culmination of a series of restructurings and settlements that took place after Argentina defaulted on $81 billion of liabilities in 2001.
Argentina has 25 days to request a rehearing from the Supreme Court, an outcome that experts deem unlikely. As the Argentine stock market plummeted, President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner addressed the nation Monday evening stating that the country would only make payments to holders of restructured debt, defying a lower U.S. court’s ruling.
The World Cup offers something of a free kick for soccer diplomacy, which some observers say U.S. President Barack Obama is failing to capitalize on.
While many nations, from Germany to Russia, are sending their leaders to Brazil to make a diplomatic appearance, Obama is staying home. So is First Lady Michelle Obama and their soccer-loving children, all three of whom attended the 2012 London Olympics.
“It’s a diminished opportunity,” says Derek Shearer, a former ambassador to Finland under President Bill Clinton and current director of the McKinnon Center for Global Affairs at Occidental University, where he teaches a class on sports diplomacy. “Obama could have made more of it than he seems to be doing.”
To be sure, Obama did send Vice President Joseph Biden to attend yesterday’s match in Natal between the U.S. and Ghana. Today, the vice president is meeting with President Dilma Rousseff in Brasília. Biden also represented the White House at the 2010 World Cup in South Africa. But given that Brazil is the largest economy in South America and the U.S.’ neighbor, should Obama have made a bigger deal of the 2014 World Cup?
For Team U.S.A., a tie might as well be a loss in today's World Cup match against Ghana, who knocked the Yanks out of the 2010 World Cup during overtime in the Round of 16.
But today’s match is about more than payback. Ghana and the U.S., along with Portugal and Germany, are in Group G, considered this tournament's so-called “Group of Death” because it's stacked with powerhouse teams who all made it into the quarterfinals in 2010. Group G is one of the tournament’s eight groups, with only two teams from each group of four able to advance to the Round of 16. In that context, there’s no margin for mistakes.
U.S. Coach Jurgen Klinsmann has himself declared that “for us now, talking about winning a World Cup is just not realistic.” His remarks were chided as defeatist and un-American, but they weren’t very far off from the prediction of top American bank Goldman Sachs.
The U.S. is predicted to tie 1-1 against both Ghana and Portugal, and then lose to Germany 2-1, according to number crunchers at Goldman Sachs—who performed regression analysis and distribution models for the investment bank’s fifth edition of “World Cup and Economics.”
This week’s likely top stories: Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos wins re-election; the U.S. Supreme Court rejects Argentina’s appeal; U.S. Vice President Joe Biden visits Latin America; Bolivia hosts the G77+China Summit; Aecio Neves will represent the PSDB in Brazil’s elections.
Santos Re-elected President in Colombia: Colombian voters re-elected incumbent President Juan Manuel Santos on Sunday, awarding him nearly 51 percent of the vote. Óscar Iván Zuluaga, who led in the first round election on May 25, gained only 45 percent of the vote in Sunday’s runoff election and delivered a concession speech on Sunday. Santos’ campaign focused on continuing his government’s peace talks with the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia—FARC) in Havana, and called his election a victory “of hope over fear.” Santos will be inaugurated on August 7 to serve another four-year term.
Argentine Appeal Rejected By U.S. Supreme Court: The U.S. Supreme Court dealt a major blow to the Argentine government on Monday, rejecting the country’s appeal in its case against holdout creditors Aurelius Capital Management and NML Capital Ltd. The court let a lower-court ruling stand without comment, upholding a decision that Argentina owes more than $1.3 billion in principal and interest. The Argentine government warned that the decision could have severe consequences and “trigger a renewed economic catastrophe.” Argentina defaulted on about $100 billion of its debt during its 2001 financial crisis.
Biden to visit Brazil, Colombia, the Dominican Republic and Guatemala: Obama administration officials announced on Sunday that Vice President Joe Biden will add a stop to his tour of Latin America this week: Guatemala. The vice president will attend today’s soccer match between the U.S. and Ghana in Brazil, and then visit Colombia and the Dominican Republic before meeting with Central American leaders in Guatemala on Friday. The vice president is expected to discuss the soaring number of unaccompanied Central American minors who have crossed into the United States without papers. This year, 48,000 unaccompanied young immigrants were apprehended by U.S. Border Patrol.
Bolivia Hosts G77+China Summit: Bolivia hosted the G77+China Summit this weekend in Santa Cruz, marking the 50th anniversary of a group of 77 developing countries that has since expanded to 133 countries. China, while not a member of the G77, joined the summit to signal its increasing trade ties with the region. Bolivian President Evo Morales called for a new world order where “the peoples of the world can grow in peace and live well” and an end to the UN Security Council, which Morales said has only reinforced global hierarchies and no longer promotes peace. UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon emphasized the importance of the G77+ China for global development and added that countries must protect human rights to achieve sustainable development. The summit concluded with a call to end poverty by the year 2030.
Aecio Neves to Run Against Rousseff in October: The Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (Brazilian Social Democracy Party—PSDB), nominated Senator Aecio Neves to run for president against incumbent President Dilma Rousseff in Brazil’s October 5 presidential elections. On Saturday, Neves, a former governor from the state of Minas Gerais, said that he would implement a more austere economic policy, reducing public spending to reign in the country’s inflation. However, Neves also said in a June 2 interview that his government would continue funding the popular Bolsa Familia cash transfer program. Current polls show that Rousseff holds an eight percentage point lead over Neves in the case of a runoff election, which would take place on October 26.
This year represented the twentieth edition of the Conference of Montreal, organized by the International Economic Forum of the Americas. Much like the Davos World Economic Conference held in Switzerland, the Conference of Montreal has become a “go-to” conference. The brain child of founder Gil Rémillard, it provides an opportunity for economic and political actors to discuss, debate and initiate policies and ideas designed to meet the economic challenges of tomorrow. It also sets economic trends and provides a forum for forward thinking.
This year, among numerous speakers and over 3,000 attendees, the conference hosted several featured guests, including International Monetary Fund director general Christine Lagarde, former Obama and Clinton economic advisor Lawrence Summers, and the secretary general of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), Ángel Gurría.
The conference’s theme this year focused on dealing with what organizers call the “next era of growth.” With the Great Recession behind us, there remain concerns about whether the right conditions exist for sustained global growth. It is clear that the financial crisis of 2008-2009 left its scars, and growth patterns remain inconsistent in both developed and emerging economies.
En un verdadero pulso de poder se han convertido las últimas semanas de campaña a la presidencia en Colombia. Nunca en la historia reciente hubo tantas denuncias tan graves sobre financiación e infiltración de las campañas, y nunca tampoco el país había estado tan polarizado entre dos fuerzas de derecha. Nunca se agitaron con tal vehemencia dos fantasmas para asustar al electorado: el supuesto castro-chavismo que podría encarnar el presidente que busca su reelección, Juan Manuel Santos, y el regreso al autoritarismo de Álvaro Uribe que podría encarnar su candidato del Centro Democrático, Óscar Iván Zuluaga.
En el medio de esas extremas, cuñas publicitarias sobre la guerra buscan poner a los mismos militares contra el gobierno que se atrevió a negociar con las Farc, connotados columnistas y hasta empresarios piden rodear el proceso de paz, y una buena parte de la prensa nacional está a favor de Santos, mientras la regional coqueteándole a Zuluaga.
Encuestas que un día dan como ganador a Santos y otro a Zuluaga solo permiten concluir que habrá un empate técnico—y que el término “final de infarto” tan mentado en deportes y en política aplica perfectamente a lo que se vivirá este domingo en las urnas.
United States Homeland Security Secretary Jeh Johnson announced yesterday that he is in discussions with several Latin American ambassadors about the increasing number of unaccompanied Central American children who are illegally crossing the U.S.-Mexico border into southern Texas, and considering ways to send them home. Through May, 47,000 such children have made their way to the U.S.—double the number from last year. Most come from Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras.
Johnson’s announcement comes as a response to two public letters he received from attorney generals in the border states of Texas and Arizona about undocumented immigrants. Texas Attorney General Greg Abbott requested $30 million from Homeland Security for an “overwhelmed” border patrol. He claims that the arrival of undocumented immigrants exposes the state to threat of “dangerous cartel activity, including narcotics smuggling and human trafficking.” In a separate letter, Arizona Attorney General Tom Horne said that federal immigration authorities must stop the practice of moving undocumented single parents with children to Arizona due to limited housing availability in Texas, and threatened to sue if it continues.
In his address, Johnson made clear that those entering the U.S. illegally would not qualify for the pathway to citizenship that is part of the comprehensive reform legislation pending in Congress.
On June 10, 2014, a ministerial commission in Chile rejected the HidroAysén project, an $8 billion joint venture of the Spanish company Endesa, S.A. (51 percent), which is a subsidiary of Italy’s Enel, and the Chilean company Colbún S.A. (49 percent).
Recently-inaugurated President Michelle Bachelet had stated that she would not support the project, and her ministers of agriculture, energy, mining, economy, and health agreed. Nevertheless, the country faces a challenge of energy poverty and high costs, which President Bachelet must address going forward.
The HidroAysén plan was to build five hydroelectric dams on the Baker and Pascua Rivers in the Patagonia region in the south of the country. The rivers–located in the Aysén region–are in an area of Patagonia that is virtually empty. The project developers viewed the plan as potentially very lucrative since the region receives steady rainfall.
HidroAysén was initially approved in 2011 during the administration of former President Sebastián Piñera, but popular protests derailed the environmental impact study. According to one estimate, more than 70 percent of Chileans opposed the project, and they took to the streets to express their disapproval.
Strikes loom over two of Brazil's largest cities on the eve of the 2014 FIFA World Cup, which begins this afternoon. Airline workers in Rio de Janeiro started a partial strike on Wednesday night that continues today, and transit workers in São Paulo—the site of the opening match—had threatened to strike today but called decided not to late last night.
Airline union workers in Rio de Janeiro are demanding a pay raise as well as a bonus for working during the month of the World Cup. Only 20 percent of airline workers are expected be on strike in an effort to avoid a fine they would be required to pay if more than 80 percent of union workers failed to show up for work. Meanwhile, the flights for the 554,000 visitors headed to Rio are not expected to be affected.
In São Paulo, subway workers suspended a 48-hour strike for higher wages on Monday after being pressured by the government, but threatened to strike again on Thursday if the 42 workers who were fired for vandalism and misconduct on Monday were not hired back. And though a vote by 1,500 of the workers late last night called off today’s strike, a smaller march is still planned for those who were laid off. "We get the feeling that maybe we aren't as prepared for a full confrontation with police on the day the World Cup starts," said union president Altino Prazeres.
Meanwhile, in a statement during prime-time television Tuesday night, President Dilma Rousseff assured Brazilians that the country is ready to host the World Cup and defended the investment in the games—which totaled $11 billion—stating that between 2010 and 2013 the government invested 212 times more than that amount—$762 billion—in education and health care.
Brazil is scheduled to face off against Croatia in the Corinthians stadium in São Paulo today, and the first game in Rio de Janeiro will take place between Argentina and Bosnia and Herzegovina on Sunday.
Today, the eyes of the world will descend upon Brazil as the country hosts the opening match of the 2014 World Cup.
The Brazil v. Croatia match will be held in São Paulo's new Arena de Corinthians, known by its nickname "Itaquerão." The opening ceremony will include performances by Jennifer Lopez, Pitbull and local artist Claudia Leite.
As the country's star players warmed up in the Teresópolis compound in Rio this week, the atmosphere near the São Paulo stadium was heating up. Striking subway workers shut down many parts of this already congested city, leaving thousands stranded. Landless workers belonging to the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Teto (Homeless Workers Movement—MTST) camped out nearby, and groups opposed to government overspending vowed that "there won't be a Cup."
From the beginning, a dark cloud loomed over Itaquerão, the future home of São Paulo's popular Corinthians soccer club. In late 2013, a crane collapsed on part of the stadium, killing three workers and delaying construction. The multi-million dollar stadium was officially inaugurated last May, during a match between Corinthians and Figueirense of Florianópolis. The home team was defeated 0-1, and some hardcore fans claimed the grounds were cursed.
After a three hour meeting on Tuesday, a committee of five ministers in Michelle Bachelet’s cabinet has rejected the HidroAysén project–a hydroelectric plan to build five dams in two rivers in Patagonia that would have generated 2,750-megawatts of energy and increased power generation in Chile by 10 percent. The project, backed by the companies Endesa Chile and Colbún with an investment of $3.2 billion dollars, faced massive protests throughout the country soon after its approval on May 9, 2011 by the Comisión de Evaluación Ambiental (Commission of Environmental Evaluation—CEA). The two companies have 30 days to appeal to the Tercer Tribunal Ambiental de Valdivia (Third Environmental Tribunal of Valdivia), which will have the last word on the project.
Environment Minister Pablo Badenier, the head of the committee, stated that the decision was made after the committee accepted the demands of local communities and Chilean citizens as whole. In addition, Energy Minister Maximo Pacheco said the plan failed to take into account its impacts on the local ecology and populations, and did not sufficiently quantify damage to the environment and wildlife. CEO of HidroAysén, Daniel Fernandez, lamented the move as a “lost opportunity” for the Aysén region, one of the most isolated and poorest areas of Chile.
Former Environment Minister under Sebastián Piñera, María Ignacia Benítez, noted the political nature of the decision, and said that she “did not understand the reasons for the rejection.” Nevertheless, environmental groups celebrated the decision as a victory, and emphasized that this was just the first of many denials of projects that are damaging to the environment in Chile.
In a 5-4 decision on Monday, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that children of immigrants with pending visa applications will be sent to the back of the line once they turn 21. The decision will add more than nine years to the wait time of children who “age out” of the system.
The Supreme Court ruling reversed the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals decision, which ruled in favor of Rosalina Cuellar de Osorio, a Salvadoran immigrant whose son was moved to the back of the line after eight years of waiting for a green card. In the split decision, the Court sided with the Obama Administration in finding that the Child Status Protection Act passed in 2002 only offers relief to a small category of children who turn 21 while awaiting a green card with their family.
While the Supreme Court agreed with the U.S. government’s interpretation, a group of 26 bipartisan congressmen who were in office when the law was passed, including Senators John McCain (R-AZ), Orrin Hatch (R-UT), Chuck Schumer (D-NY), and Dianne Feinstein (D-CA), argued against the government’s interpretation in a brief recently submitted to the court. They maintain that the intent of the law they passed was to promote family unity.
Like so many in Canada, the U.S., and Western Europe, I was moved by the commemorative events surrounding the Normandy landing that took place 70 years ago on June 6, 1944. It was a moment to remember the ultimate sacrifice of what journalist Tom Brokaw labeled “the Greatest Generation,” who struggled in the defense of freedom and the elimination of Nazi barbarism. We owe so much to those who fought and to the few veterans remaining. It was a fitting memorial.
In stark contrast to the events surrounding the Normandy landing, a growing controversy in about a prisoner-of-war swap soon became the news of the day. Sergeant Bowe Bergdahl, a U.S. combatant who was held captive for five years by the Taliban in Afghanistan, was part of a deal that released five Taliban terrorists held at Guantánamo Bay detention camp since 2001.
While the news was greeted with elation in the early hours of its announcement, allegations soon began surfacing that Bergdahl may have actually been captured following a planned desertion. Some of his troop members, who went searching for him and allegedly suffered casualties, took to the airwaves criticizing the deal made by the Obama Administration and brokered by the Qatar government.
This week’s likely top stories: the FIFA World Cup kicks off in Brazil; Colombian voters return to the polls; Venezuelan protesters call for the release of Leopoldo López; President Enrique Peña Nieto defends Mexican reforms in Spain; Argentine Vice President Amado Boudou testifies in court.
World Cup Begins in Brazil Amid Subway Strike: The FIFA World Cup will officially open on Thursday, June 12, with the opening match between Brazil and Croatia at Arena Corinthians stadium in São Paulo. Meanwhile, protesters clashed with police in São Paulo as they supported a subway workers’ strike that began last Thursday when metro employees called for a 12.2 percent salary increase ahead of the tournament. On Sunday, the subway workers’ union voted to continue the strike indefinitely, which will inevitably affect transportation to the Arena Corinthians stadium 12 miles east of central São Paulo. A São Paulo labor court has fined the union $175,000 and said it will add $220,000 per day that the work stoppage continues.
Colombian Runoff Elections: Colombian voters will return to the polls on Sunday to choose between current President Juan Manuel Santos of the Partido de la U and challenger Óscar Iván Zuluaga of the Centro Democrático in what is expected to be a very tight race for president. The Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia—FARC), who have agreed on three points of a six point peace agenda with the Colombian government in Havana, announced a three-week ceasefire from June 9 to June 30 in recognition of the June 15 runoff election. The government and the FARC recently announced the creation of a truth commission to investigate the deaths of the estimated 220,000 people killed in the country’s 50 year-old internal conflict.
Venezuelan Opposition Calls for Release of Leopoldo López: Members of the Venezuelan opposition protested in Caracas on Sunday to call for the release of opposition leader Leopoldo López, who has been imprisoned since February 18—and are also demanding new presidential elections as soon as possible. López was formally charged in April by Attorney General Luisa Ortega Díaz of damaging property, arson and instigating violence in the February 12 protests that set off a wave of anti-government demonstrations across the country. Those charges were upheld last week by Judge Adriana López, who concluded that López must remain in custody. At least 42 people have died in protest-related violence.
Enrique Peña Nieto Defends Mexico’s Reforms: In a speech delivered at a meeting of business and political leaders in Madrid, Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto defended the political and economic reforms he has passed during his time in office. In the conversation, the president signaled that the introduction of foreign capital into the energy sector would make Pemex a “productive industry of the state,” rather than just an “industry of the state.” He added that Mexico is attempting to deepen its relationship with its Latin American neighbors, citing Mexico’s participation in the Pacific Alliance alongside Chile, Colombia and Peru. Enrique Ochoa Reza, head of Mexico’s Comisión Federal de Electricidad (Federal Commission of Electricity—CFE), and Spanish energy company Iberdola also signed a collaborative agreement.
Argentine Vice President Boudou Appears in Court: Argentine Vice President Amado Boudou is expected to testify on Monday in a criminal corruption probe for his possible involvement in a corruption and influence-peddling scandal. Boudou is accused of using his position as economic minister of Argentina to illegally lift bankruptcy proceedings against the Ciccone Calcografica printing company in return for 70 percent ownership of the firm in 2010. Boudou will appear before prosecutor and federal judge Ariel Lijo in a closed court session. Bodou denies any wrongdoing and asked that Monday’s court session be broadcast before the Argentine public—but that request was denied.
Yesterday, Federal judge Ariel Lijo changed Argentine Vice President Amado Boudou’s court date from July 15 to June 9. Boudou will face charges of corruption, illegal negotiations as a public employee, and illegal profiteering related to his purchase of the Ciccone Calcográfica printing company with a partner in 2010. Boudou allegedly planned to use the company to print bank notes and official documentation. Given that he was economic minister at the time, the acquisition would have been illegal according to Argentine law.
The vice president maintains his innocence and has challenged the judge to have a televised trial. On Wednesday his defense team requested that the summons be annulled, claiming that the allegations were based on “false affirmations, lacking legal, factual and evidential substance.”
Once seen as a possible successor to President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, Boudou met yesterday with the president, who after months of maintaining her distance, has expressed her support for the defendant and ordered him to accept the summons.
He has since cancelled a trip planned for next week to attend the Architecture Biennial in Venice, Italy. In a strange coincidence, the mayor of Venice, Giorgio Orsoni, was arrested yesterday along with 34 others on charges of bribery and corruption.
The International Crisis Group (ICG) released a report on Wednesday detailing the increase in drug-related violence on the Guatemala-Honduras border and calling for immediate action on the part of both national governments to combat the situation.
The large network of narco-trafficking gangs in the region have been competing over increasingly disputed drug routes that move substances through Central America, up to Mexico and eventually to the United States. According to the ICG report, since the 2009 coup d’état that unseated former President Manuel Zelaya, Honduras has become a primary entrance point for such drugs trafficked through Guatemala by smaller outfits with ties to Mexican cartels like the Zetas.
The report outlines eight recommendations of steps the Guatemalan and Honduran governments can take to improve the current situation, including implementing a long-term violence prevention strategy and working with countries that have pursued similar strategies like Colombia, Peru and Ecuador. The report also advises both governments to send health workers, educators, community organizers and other members of civil society to develop the border area and provide opportunities for the local population that has been impacted by violence.
“Tackling criminal violence requires sustained, concerted efforts to promote local development and guarantee rule of law,” said Mary Speck, project director for the ICG’s Mexico and Central American project.
The approach adopted by former President Mauricio Funes’ administration to combat crime is probably the least popular crime control strategy in Central America’s northern triangle. Salvadorans first learned details of the strategy in March 2012, when news reports suggested that the government of El Salvador had negotiated a drop in homicides with gang leaders who, as a result, were being relocated from the maximum security penitentiary in Zacatecoluca to different, less secure facilities.
Authorities have, since then, offered various explanations for the massive relocation of criminals to less restrictive correctional environments—sometimes accompanied by special concessions, like flat screen TVs and conjugal visits, or benefits to gang members’ families living on the outside.
Funes and his security cabinet deny that the state negotiated with gangs, and say that they merely facilitated a truce between gangs. However, Luis Martínez, El Salvador’s attorney general, recently revealed that a criminal investigation launched by his office indicates that the government paid gangs to reduce homicides. Moreover, recordings leaked to the press and opposition politicians by a hacker that allegedly feature prosecutors interrogating former public safety officials about government-gang negotiations, expose even more benefits provided to gangs by authorities as part of the negotiation—both inside and outside correctional institutions.
Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff said on Wednesday that the host nation’s trouble with World Cup preparations are normal. “Everywhere in the world these big engineering projects always go down to the wire,” she told reporters at the presidential palace. Responding to criticism about unfinished stadiums and delayed infrastructure projects, including transport systems in Cuiabá, Salvador and Recife, Dilma said the delays reflected “the cost of our democracy.”
With eight days before the World Cup kicks off in São Paulo, the threat of a new round of anti-government protests loom over the tournament. More than a million Brazilians took to the streets during last summer’s Confederations Cup—a prelude to the World Cup—to protest corruption, fare hikes for public transport, and excessive public spending.
Anticipating renewed unrest that may once again turn violent, Dilma said that the government “fully guarantees people’s security,” and said that thousands of extra police and military forces would be deployed to ensure that protests do not affect World Cup matches.
Other members of Dilma’s administration do not share her optimism. Brazilian Public Minister Rodrigo Janot announced earlier this week that the government would create a “Crisis Cabinet” to monitor any future protests during the World Cup and address “excesses” on the part of either protesters or security forces during public protests.
For a debate on whether mega sports events like the World Cup contribute to the economic development of the countries that host them, click here.
“En ocasiones se me ha descrito como una especie de Bruce Wayne suramericano: un niño privilegiado que juró vengar la muerte de su padre asesinado por unos bandidos. Dispuesto a hacer pactos con el diablo y a tolerar todo tipo de abusos, con el fin de llevar a cabo mi ‘misión’ y sin importar el precio, entré a la política y llegué a la Presidencia—según quienes así piensan—para vengarme de las FARC y de todos los grupos de izquierda.”
La cita es del reciente libro de Álvaro Uribe No hay causa perdida, y aunque el mismo Uribe toma como falsa esa interpretación, ¿cómo más se puede leer el desespero y la aversión con la que fustiga a diario al presidente Juan Manuel Santos, su ex-discípulo, y a todo lo que le huela a una paz negociada con la guerrilla?
Uribe intentó una paz con los paramilitares, a quienes les ofreció concesiones importantes en temas de cese de hostilidades, impunidad, reparación de víctimas y participación política, pero ahora no permite que el país se la juegue por la reconciliación con las Farc. Es como si su guerra contra las Farc se pudiera ganar solo con más muertes, como si no importara que el país se siguiera desangrando, como si para él firmar la paz fuera algo de cobardes o como si el perdón diera vergüenza. Todo esto porque la paz de Santos amenaza su proyecto de país y porque para el uribismo en la guerra tiene que haber un vencedor y un vencido. Uribe sin guerra sería el desvanecimiento de Uribe.
Opposition leader Leopoldo López is back in court this morning after his 11-hour hearing was adjourned yesterday. Judge Adriana López is expected to decide whether the former mayor of Chacao will face a criminal trial and, if so, if he will remain in the Ramo Verde military prison while awaiting his trial date.
López, founder and national coordinator of the Voluntad Popular (Popular Will) party and outspoken critic of the Chávez, and later, Maudro governments, has been in custody at the military prison since February after he turned himself in to authorities. Despite yesterday’s lengthy session, defense attorney Bernardo Pulido stated that the defense counsel was not called to take the floor. Because of limited access to the courtroom, much of the information has come from López’ wife, Lilian Tintori’s, social media accounts.
López is currently charged with arson, damage to public property, incitement, and conspiracy for his role in calling for the student protests against the government in February that turned violent. If charged, he faces up to ten years in prison.
OAS General Assembly in Paraguay: The Organization of American States (OAS) will hold its General Assembly in Asunción, Paraguay from June 3 to 5. At least 29 foreign ministers have confirmed their attendance—the highest number to do so since the 2009 General Assembly in Honduras, following the coup that removed former President Manuel Zelaya from office. OAS member states remain divided over the political crisis in Venezuela, proposed changes to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, and the participation of Cuba, among other issues. Those attending the assembly are expected to sign a declaration to signal their commitment to promote social inclusion and reduce poverty and social inequality in the hemisphere.
Brazil’s Public Ministry to Create a “Crisis Cabinet” for the World Cup: With only ten days left before the start of the World Cup, Brazil’s public minister, Rodrigo Janot, declared that the government would create a “Crisis Cabinet” to monitor any future protests during the World Cup and address “excesses” on the part of either protesters or security forces during public manifestations. The Cabinet will include state attorney generals from all states that will host the World Cup, as well as the federal district that includes Brasília, and will receive additional assistance from a support group made of other public officials from the public ministry and attorney general’s office. June 6 marks the one-year anniversary of protests that erupted across Brazil in response to transit costs, poor public services, corruption, and high spending on the World Cup.
Sánchez Céren Sworn in as Salvadoran President: Former FMLN guerrilla Salvador Sánchez Céren was sworn in as El Salvador’s president on June 1, after narrowly defeating rival candidate Norman Quijano in a run-off election on March 9. Sánchez Céren said that he would fight corruption and violence during his term and would prioritize security, employment and education. El Salvador faces one of the world’s highest homicide rates, according to the UN, at 41 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2012, though the rate was even higher in 2009. Sánchez Cerén was vice president during the government of former President Mauricio Funes.
Leopoldo López Hearing Begins in Venezuela: Venezuelan opposition leader Leopoldo López has been transferred to Venezuela’s Palacio de Justicia to begin a preliminary hearing on Monday. The hearing will determine whether López should be tried for promoting violence and instigating damage to public property, among other charges, during Venezuela’s February 12 protests. López, who was detained in February, has been held in a military prison for the last several months, and he faces a potential sentence of more than 13 years in prison, according to Venezuelan Attorney General Luisa Ortega Díaz.
Uruguayan Primary Elections: Uruguayans voted in primary elections on June 1, with a paltry turnout of only 39 percent of eligible voters selecting presidential candidates for the country’s three major political parties: the Partido Nacional (PN), Partido Colorado (PC) and the Frente Amplio (FA). The results were predictable for the FA—with popular former president Tabaré Vázquez easily defeating senator and political scientist Constanza Moreira—and the PC, which elected Pedro Bordaberry, a former presidential candidate and son of ex-President Juan María Bordaberry. However, Luis Lacalle Pou unexpectedly defeated favorite Jorge Larrañaga in the PN primary, creating a need for the PC and FA to reevaluate their strategies for Uruguay’s presidential election on October 26.
In a competition for most improbable place to host the World Cup, the city of Manaus would surely make the finals. Its Arena da Amazônia sits in the middle of the Amazon Rainforest, 900 miles up the Amazon River in Brazil’s isolated Amazonas state bordering Venezuela, Colombia, and Peru. “The Amazon Arena” will host four matches next month– including one featuring the English team, whose coach got into a spat with the mayor of Manaus after complaining about the prospect of having to play “in the middle of the Amazonian jungle.”
So perhaps more than any other of Brazil’s 12 World Cup host cities, Manaus faces a Sisyphean task during next month’s influx of futebol superstars and their rabid fans: prove that it was worthwhile to build a $300 million, 42,000-seat stadium in an isolated port city lacking a serious futebol culture, or experience hosting major events.
"I didn’t have any idea how difficult this would be,” said Eraldo Boechat Leal, executive coordinator of the Unidade Gestora do Projeto Copa (“UGP Copa”), the project management unit overseeing all World Cup preparations for the state of Amazonas. "It was a huge, huge, huge challenge."
Leal and I had lunch recently at a restaurant on the banks of the Rio Negro, an Amazon tributary that had supplied our spread of baked tambaqui fish and bolinhos de bacalhão (fried codfish). Outside the windows, an afternoon monsoon obscured the view onto an inlet littered with refuse, filled with fishing boats, and surrounded by colorful pink and orange shanty homes. The previous evening, Arena da Amazônia had hosted the top-flight Brazilian team Santos, giving Leal and his team a final chance to iron out the wrinkles before Manaus hands the stadium keys to FIFA at the end of May.
The first round of presidential elections in Colombia, held on May 25, did not surprise anyone. The uribista candidate, Óscar Iván Zuluaga, won with 29.2 percent of the vote over incumbent president Juan Manuel Santos, who won a disappointing 25.6 percent of the vote. The remaining votes were split between the three other major candidates: the conservative Marta Lucía Ramírez (15.5 percent), the leftist Clara López (15.2 percent) and the Green Alliance’s Enrique Peñalosa (8.2 percent).
A record six percent of voters submitted blank ballots. Sixty percent of the population able to vote did not attend to the polls. Since no single contender received more than 50 percent of the vote, the two candidates who received the most votes, Zuluaga and Santos, will face each other in a runoff on June 15.
These results confirmed the momentum gained by the opposition, led by former president and senator-elect Álvaro Uribe—and the stagnation of President Santos’ popular support. In the March 9 congressional election, Uribe’s newly-created party, the Centro Democrático, won 20 seats in the senate, including one for Uribe himself.
Zuluaga’s lead in the first round of voting is, in fact, a triumph for Uribe. Without even being on the ballot, Colombia’s presidential elections have revolved around former president Uribe and his ideas.
San Diego County Sheriff Bill Gore announced yesterday that the county will no longer honor “detainer requests” from U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). The detainers, part of ICE’s Secure Communities program, ask state and local law enforcement agencies to hold potentially deportable individuals in jail for up to 48 hours, even if they are otherwise eligible for release from custody.
“The sheriff’s department will detain someone past their local release date if presented with an arrest warrant based on a probable-cause finding by ICE,” Gore said. “In cases where ICE has an immigration interest in one of our inmates and no ICE arrest warrant has been presented, we will continue our practice of notifying ICE of the date, time and location of our inmates’ release.”
The policy change comes one month after a federal judge found that police in Clackamas County, Oregon violated Mexican immigrant Miranda-Olivares’ Fourth Amendment rights in March 2012 when they honored a detainer request without probable cause or a court-approved warrant. In the ruling, U.S. District Court Judge Janice Stewart said, “No federal circuit court ‘has ever described ICE detainers as anything but requests.’”
The legal precedent helped San Diego become the largest county in the nation to refuse such requests, joining Alameda, Santa Clara, San Francisco, San Bernardino, Santa Cruz, Monterey, and Riverside counties in the state of California. Nationally, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Denver, and a number of counties in Oregon have agreed not to honor ICE detainer request.
“We applaud Sheriff Gore’s action recognizing the important values of due process and equality under the law that are foundational to our justice system,” said Homayra Yusufi-Marin, policy advocate for the ACLU of San Diego & Imperial Counties.
In the absence of comprehensive immigration at the federal level, states and counties across the U.S. are taking steps to address immigration policy. And while the House of Representatives has thus far chosen to not vote on the reform bill the passed the Senate last June, the chamber did approve an amendment yesterday introduced by immigration hard-liner Rep. Steve King (R-Iowa) to provide the Justice Department $5 million to investigate the release of criminals from immigrant detention.
Lawyers representing the Indigenous Diaguita announced an initial agreement with mining giant Barrick Gold on Wednesday. Negotiations stalled in 2013 after the Canadian company invested $5 million in the Pascua-Lama mining project in the southern Atacama Desert.
The Diaguita had opposed the gold and copper mine located on the border of Chile and Argentina on the grounds that they were not properly consulted through the consulta previa process established by International Labour Organization Convention 169 (ILO 169) and codified into Chilean national law in 2009.
The initial agreement, which will be valid for six months, is the first in a series of steps that must be taken under ILO 169 before Barrick Gold can move forward. If the Diaguita community approves of Barrick’s project proposal, the two parties will enter the dialogue phase, which can last up to two years.
Despite the initial agreement, the Pascua-Lama project is officially on hold until water management infrastructure to prevent water pollution is constructed and the dialogue phase under ILO 169 is complete.
Miedo. Una simple lectura—que no pretende ser estadística—de las redes sociales, tras el resultado electoral del pasado domingo en Colombia, me arrojó innumerables veces esa palabra. Colombianos indignados y connotados columnistas la usaron para manifestar lo que sienten frente al escenario que el 40% de los votantes del país nos dejó para segunda vuelta: otra elección entre representantes de la misma oligarquía de siempre, el presidente en ejercicio, Juan Manuel Santos y el candidato del Centro Democrático uribista, Óscar Iván Zuluaga.
Una elección entre la ultraderecha y la centroderecha, entre la guerra y la paz, entre los amigos y enemigos del ex presidente y flamante senador Álvaro Uribe, quien es sin duda no solo el gran elector de la jornada sino el gran protagonista de la política colombiana de los últimos 12 años.
Es así como el epílogo de la carrera electoral a la que llegó Colombia el domingo, y que hasta hace apenas un mes parecía ser liderada por la anunciada reelección de Santos (difícilmente un mandatario no es reelecto; Lula, Evo, y Correa son ejemplos) estuvo marcado por la abstención y el miedo.
Ya no es el miedo a salir a votar o a ser amenazado si no se vota por el candidato respaldado por los violentos; paradójicamente, fue una de las jornadas electorales más tranquilas, gracias a la tregua pactada con las FARC y el ELN desde La Habana. Es el miedo a que ese proceso de paz se rompa, o a que por seguir avanzando en la idea de diversos sectores del país de que es conversando y no a bala que la guerra se acaba, los guerrilleros salgan impunes de sus crímenes o venga a Colombia el “castro-chavismo.”
El miedo a que las FARC se “adueñen” del país fue el discurso ventilado sin cesar desde la campaña de Zuluaga (es decir, la de Uribe). El ganador de primera vuelta con el 29,26%, 3.759.862 votos, ya anunció que rompería el proceso de paz si gana la segunda. Un mensaje que siempre cala porque es más fácil vender el discurso de seguridad que el de la paz, y porque sobre el segundo, difuso y complejo, se ha especulado mucho desde que se iniciaron las conversaciones en La Habana. El elector común no tiene información sobre lo que se está pactando en Cuba o tal vez simplemente no le interesa. Tampoco ha habido suficiente pedagogía.
Si bien muchos en Colombia queremos la paz, la complejidad de discutir políticas como la agraria, la antidroga o la participación política de los alzados en armas no pasa por el análisis del electorado. Que eso le signifique seguridad en el mediano y largo plazo, no es algo que el ciudadano digiera la hora de ir a la urnas.
Si es en cambio de expresa preocupación para partidos políticos, intelectuales y medios de comunicación que han hablado en los últimos días de hacer un frente por la paz para rodear el proceso. Esto es, votar por Santos. Aún sus más enconados opositores—como su contendor del 2010, Antanas Mockus; la ex candidata del Polo Democrático Alternativo (un partido de la izquierda), Clara López (que obtuvo en la primera vuelta el nada despreciable número de 1.957.626 votos); y el alcalde de Bogotá, Gustavo Petro—hoy hacen campaña pública para rodear el proceso. Dentro de los movimientos de izquierda y de organizaciones de derechos humanos que tienen sentidas diferencias con Santos por haber manejado con desatino las protestas y demandas de sectores campesinos, hay un debate interno por tener que elegir el mal menos peor con tal de no dejar que la ultraderecha se tome el país, con todo lo que eso significa: falsos positivos, avance del paramilitarismo y más guerra.
Así las cosas y a sabiendas de que los conservadores se irán con Zuluaga (es decir con Uribe), lo que representa los 1.995.628 votos que obtuvo Marta Lucía Ramírez, aún falta saber que pasará con los votos de Enrique Peñalosa (1.065.111, correspondientes al 8,29 por ciento) y con la también histórica cifra de voto en blanco que alcanzó el 6%. De las alianzas y de lo que pase en las siguientes dos semanas y media de campaña, depende el futuro del país. Zuluaga se ha mostrado inmune e impune a los escándalos: ni un hacker entregándole información confidencial sobre La Habana lograron desbancarlo del primer lugar.
Las FARC, que cumplieron 50 años de fundadas este 27 de mayo y quienes fueron factor de peso electoral en su momento (eligieron a Pastrana y a Uribe por razones totalmente opuestas) prefirieron callar hasta segunda vuelta. El país también les pide un gesto generoso de paz que devuelva la confianza de que el proceso vale la pena, que extiendan la tregua y avancen en pactos. Aunque es el tema que por décadas ha trasnochado a Colombia, este 15 de junio más que nunca es el ballotage (segunda ronda) por la paz. Y contra el miedo.
Interpol issued a warrant for the arrest of former Ecuadorian President Jamil Mahuad on Tuesday for embezzlement, mishandling of public funds and causing the country's banking crisis in the late 1990s.
Mahuad became president in 1998 when Ecuador was on the brink of war with neighboring Peru over a territorial dispute. Mahuad and then Peruvian president Alberto Fujimori signed a peace treaty months later, and they were both nominated for a Nobel Peace Prize for this act. Things changed on March 9, 1999, when Mahuad declared a state of emergency and two days later, he froze bank accounts across the country, shutting down half of the 42 banks operating in Ecuador. The former president also replaced Ecuador's sucre currency with the U.S. dollar.
A coup by the military and the Confederación de Nacionalidades Indígenas del Ecuador (Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador—CONAIE) in January 2000 forced Mahuad to flee Ecuador to the United States. He settled in Boston and is now a professor at Harvard University.
The Interpol warrant means that Mahuad may now be detained and extradited to Ecuador to face charges which could see him jailed for between eight and 12 years.
The case against the Mahuad was brought forth by the Ecuadorian government 13 years ago and has been ongoing. In December 2012, Ecuador's Corte Nacional de Justicia (National Court of Justice) requested that Interpol capture Mahuad, but Interpol denied the claim in January 2013.
On two previous occasions, I have used the Americas Quarterly blog as a space to talk about gun violence. The incidents in Aurora (July 2012) provoked one, and another surfaced when remembering the events of Montreal’s Polytechnique Engineering School in 1989 where 14 women were gunned down. We can also recall Virginia Tech, Columbine, Sandy Hook, and Dawson College as further evidence that gun violence is still very prevalent. All this violence has occurred on school campuses involving assailants with serious mental problems.
Now we have the sad and scary events in Santa Barbara. As the parent of one of the victims said last Saturday: when will it stop?
This past weekend we were exposed to the YouTube video of the alleged killer in Santa Barbara where six people died and 13 were injured. The footage was chilling to watch and was replayed continuously over various newscasts. The killing rummage was quick and sudden and it surfaced that the assailant purchased his weapon and armaments legally.
It would be easy to say this is an American problem and that we in Canada can only shake our heads in disbelief, especially given that these killing sprees are more frequent in the U.S. than anywhere else in the world. However, violence does not stop at the border as we have seen all too often.
Patricia Gutierrez de Ceballos and Rosa Brandonisio—married to Daniel Ceballos and Vicencio Scarano, ousted mayors of San Cristobal and San Diego respectively—won landslide votes in Venezuela’s mayoral elections on Sunday to replace their husbands after both men had been arrested and jailed as part of the opposition protests. The women are both part of the Mesa de la Unidad Democrática (Democratic Unity Roundtable—MUD) opposition group.
Thirty-year-old Patricia Gutierrez de Ceballos, who has no previous political experience, won over 73 percent of the mayoral votes in San Cristobal this Sunday. In the midst of increasing protests in the city, her husband was arrested and sentenced to 12 months in jail under accusation of conspiracy and civil rebellion. In San Diego, Vicencio (Enzo) Scarano was sentenced to over 10 months in prison for refusal to remove protesters’ street barricades. His wife, Rosa Brandonisio, a former City Council member, won over 87 percent of the votes in Sunday’s election. Brandonisio has endorsed continued peaceful protesting in Venezuela as part of her campaign. “The people will remain peacefully in the streets, making people listen, so that it echoes throughout the world that Venezuela right now is going through a very difficult time, economically, socially, morally, and politically,” she said.
President Nicolás Maduro, however, gave ominous declarations during the voting on Sunday. “If elected mayors turn crazy, they will also be judged,” he said.
San Cristobal and San Diego have been among the most violent cities during the Venezuelan protests, with dozens of people killed in each location. Anti-government protests have been taking place since February 13 when student-organized protests flared up and turned violent in Caracas.
I, like many others, was one of those who sent an e-mail to the U.S. State Department inquiring about the visa status of a number of Cuban economists coming to the Latin American Studies Association (LASA) last week in Chicago. Most, though not all of them, received visas after becoming lodged in the State Department’s labyrinthine processes.
Sadly, I couldn’t have done the same for Manuel Cuesta Mora, a Cuban human rights activist who requested a visa from his government to travel to the same LASA conference. The Cuban government denied his visa, and I don’t have much pull with those guys, unfortunately.
Denied. [But the Joke’s on the Cuban Government]
The news of Cuesta Morua’s visa denial arrived just before the LASA conference started. According to the Cuban government the reason for Cuesta Morua’s inability to leave his country was that he had previously been arrested for participating in a peaceful protest in late January 2014, expressing citizen opposition to yet another regional platitudinous summit that failed to recognize the democratic values it purports to uphold.
In this case it was the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) summit held in Havana. Dozens of activists were rounded up by the Cuban government to preempt any embarrassing expressions of “democratic-ness.” And most Latin American presidents didn’t say a word, though many have benefitted from the sort of democratic openness or its defense under other less-leftist regimes.
It has been a surprising trend that, for the past several years, a number of Latin American countries have voted into power democratically elected left-wing governments of some kind—whereas Colombia has steered toward governments from the right of the political spectrum.
Even in countries in the region where right-wing presidents continue to hold office, like Mexico or Paraguay, there is still a strong Left that disputes elections and gets a considerable amount of legislators elected in the polls. In Colombia, on the other hand, political power has been largely split—at least in the last two decades—between different factions of the conservative Right.
Meanwhile, the emaciated democratic Left is crippled by internal rivalries (like in the case of the Polo Democrático), and has been targeted by death squads whenever it manages to approach a position of real power (like the widespread assassination of Unión Patriótica leaders and of demobilized M-19 fighters-turned-politicians in the 1980s and 90s).
Colombia’s current political trends can be explained by history. Historically, Colombia has been a geographically divided country since colonial times. After independence, no political party managed to unify the different territories that constituted the nation, and instead, the country was governed by strong regional socio-political dynamics.
Esta semana los líderes de The Guardian se reunieron con los directivos del diario El País para la entrega del premio Ortega y Gasset, pero más allá de los formalismos, fue un encuentro entre periodistas, donde emergió un debate que nos afecta a todos. ¿Cuál es la esencia del periodismo y su vigencia?
La respuesta fue inmediata: las historias. Más allá de los soportes, es decir redes sociales, contenidos audiovisuales o elementos para difundir la información, lo que marca la calidad y sello del contenido, son las historias.
Aquellas que no se encuentran en un comunicado de prensa. Aquellas que no se encuentran, muchas veces, detrás de un escritorio.
Los periodistas somos personas que contamos historias sobre otras personas. Es tan simple como eso. Es un oficio esencialmente humano y aunque la industria ha afrontado tiempos de enorme crisis, apostar por las historias, es apostar por un mundo que se alimenta de conexiones propias de nuestra naturaleza social.
El soporte es sólo el vehículo, pero es finalmente la historia lo que nos hace detenernos. Al leerla nos vemos a nosotros mismos, cómo afecta nuestra vida, nos hace reflexionar respecto a qué queremos hacer en este minuto o en los próximos 10 años. Nos interesa, nos molesta, nos lapida, genera una reacción.
The Dominican Republic’s Senate passed a bill granting citizenship to children born in the Dominican Republic to migrant parents on the night of May 21st, following the approval of the law by the Cámara de Diputados (Chamber of Deputies) last Friday. Senator Cristina Lizardo, from Santo Domingo requested that the legislation be passed in urgency bypassing normal procedures and the bill was passed after two readings. The law only needs the president’s signature to go into effect.
Dominican Republican President Danilo Medina proposed the legislation after the country received international criticism due to a Constitutional Court ruling from September 2013 that determined that the children of immigrants could not be considered citizens because their parents came to the Dominican Republic “in transit”. The country was accused of racism by its Caribbean neighbors, who believed the law specifically targeted the Haitian community that make up the majority of immigrants to the Dominican Republic. Tensions flared between Haiti and the Dominican Republic leading both countries to recall their ambassadors.
The law seeks to provide a path to citizenship for the children of immigrants that had been irregularly recorded or are not registered in the Dominican Civil Registry. Some argue that the law still discriminates against people who do not have documentation, but the Dominican government says that they can apply for naturalization two years after registering with this system. Haitian Prime Minister, Laurent Lamothe, expressed approval of the new law, a sign that the countries may fully reestablish diplomatic relations.
Stay tuned to hear more on this debate in our summer issue of America’s Quarterly which will feature a co-authored article from Haitian author Edwidge Danticat and Dominican author Junot Diaz.
With 21 days left before the World Cup begins, Brazilian bus drivers have gone on strike—shutting down terminals across São Paulo—while thousands of police are striking in 14 of Brazil’s 26 states and smaller protests are cropping up across the country.
In São Paulo, Brazil’s most populous city with over 20 million inhabitants, over half of the city’s 28 bus terminals are closed due to the strikes. The bus strike began on Tuesday with 300 drivers marching to the the mayor’s office to demand a meeting with São Paulo Mayor Fernando Haddad. Bus drivers are demanding a salary increase that surpasses the 10 percent increase agreement reached by their union, which they have rejected as insufficient. The Rio de Janeiro police force joined them yesterday, launching a 24 hour strike to call for a salary increase of their own.
Police strikes and protests are a particular concern to officials, since six of the 14 states where strikes are occurring (Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo, Minas Gerais, Bahia, Pernambuco, and Amazonas) are scheduled to hold World Cup games next month.
As the chaos continues, Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff’s government continues its efforts to calm the protests. “We hope common sense prevails, that as the World Cup approaches these protests will diminish,”said Secretary General Gilberto Carvalho.
Tradicionalmente, las elecciones presidenciales en Colombia se han caracterizado por sus escándalos de corrupción, filtración de dineros del narcotráfico, y compra desmedida de votos. Lejos de romper con esta penosa tradición, la actual carrera presidencial pasará a la historia, por sumar a este prontuario el espionaje, la polarización, los insultos y acusaciones, y la falta de propuestas serias.
A pesar de contar con la presencia de varios candidatos con ideologías diversas, las elecciones presidenciales del 2014 parecen enfrentar únicamente a dos de ellos, provenientes de la misma corriente política: Óscar Iván Zuluaga, del Uribe Centro Democrático (partido creado por el ex presidente Álvaro Uribe) y Juan Manuel Santos, del Partido de la U. (movimiento político creado por el mismo presidente. El afán por obtener la presidencia ha llevado a algunos miembros de estos dos grupos a cometer actos de dudosa profesionalidad y a rayar en la ilegalidad.
Por una parte, al Centro Democrático se le han comprobado vínculos con Andrés Sepúlveda, a quién a su vez se le investiga por interceptaciones ilegales de las comunicaciones del Presidente Santos y del equipo de negociadores del proceso de paz, que en la actualidad sostienen el gobierno y las FARC en La Habana, Cuba. Adicionalmente, un sector importante de las fuerzas militares colombianas ha mostrado abiertamente su simpatía con el movimiento político de Uribe. Esta lealtad quedó en evidencia con una polémica filtración de coordenadas geográficas de operativos secretos de inteligencia al ex-presidente, quien de inmediato las publicó en Twitter, sin reparo por los riesgos evidentes de seguridad para los involucrados en dichas misiones.
June 1: This AQ-Efecto Naím segment looks at sustainable cities in the hemisphere.