The International Crisis Group (ICG) released a report on Wednesday detailing the increase in drug-related violence on the Guatemala-Honduras border and calling for immediate action on the part of both national governments to combat the situation.
The large network of narco-trafficking gangs in the region have been competing over increasingly disputed drug routes that move substances through Central America, up to Mexico and eventually to the United States. According to the ICG report, since the 2009 coup d’état that unseated former President Manuel Zelaya, Honduras has become a primary entrance point for such drugs trafficked through Guatemala by smaller outfits with ties to Mexican cartels like the Zetas.
The report outlines eight recommendations of steps the Guatemalan and Honduran governments can take to improve the current situation, including implementing a long-term violence prevention strategy and working with countries that have pursued similar strategies like Colombia, Peru and Ecuador. The report also advises both governments to send health workers, educators, community organizers and other members of civil society to develop the border area and provide opportunities for the local population that has been impacted by violence.
“Tackling criminal violence requires sustained, concerted efforts to promote local development and guarantee rule of law,” said Mary Speck, project director for the ICG’s Mexico and Central American project.
The approach adopted by former President Mauricio Funes’ administration to combat crime is probably the least popular crime control strategy in Central America’s northern triangle. Salvadorans first learned details of the strategy in March 2012, when news reports suggested that the government of El Salvador had negotiated a drop in homicides with gang leaders who, as a result, were being relocated from the maximum security penitentiary in Zacatecoluca to different, less secure facilities.
Authorities have, since then, offered various explanations for the massive relocation of criminals to less restrictive correctional environments—sometimes accompanied by special concessions, like flat screen TVs and conjugal visits, or benefits to gang members’ families living on the outside.
Funes and his security cabinet deny that the state negotiated with gangs, and say that they merely facilitated a truce between gangs. However, Luis Martínez, El Salvador’s attorney general, recently revealed that a criminal investigation launched by his office indicates that the government paid gangs to reduce homicides. Moreover, recordings leaked to the press and opposition politicians by a hacker that allegedly feature prosecutors interrogating former public safety officials about government-gang negotiations, expose even more benefits provided to gangs by authorities as part of the negotiation—both inside and outside correctional institutions.
Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff said on Wednesday that the host nation’s trouble with World Cup preparations are normal. “Everywhere in the world these big engineering projects always go down to the wire,” she told reporters at the presidential palace. Responding to criticism about unfinished stadiums and delayed infrastructure projects, including transport systems in Cuiabá, Salvador and Recife, Dilma said the delays reflected “the cost of our democracy.”
With eight days before the World Cup kicks off in São Paulo, the threat of a new round of anti-government protests loom over the tournament. More than a million Brazilians took to the streets during last summer’s Confederations Cup—a prelude to the World Cup—to protest corruption, fare hikes for public transport, and excessive public spending.
Anticipating renewed unrest that may once again turn violent, Dilma said that the government “fully guarantees people’s security,” and said that thousands of extra police and military forces would be deployed to ensure that protests do not affect World Cup matches.
Other members of Dilma’s administration do not share her optimism. Brazilian Public Minister Rodrigo Janot announced earlier this week that the government would create a “Crisis Cabinet” to monitor any future protests during the World Cup and address “excesses” on the part of either protesters or security forces during public protests.
For a debate on whether mega sports events like the World Cup contribute to the economic development of the countries that host them, click here.
“En ocasiones se me ha descrito como una especie de Bruce Wayne suramericano: un niño privilegiado que juró vengar la muerte de su padre asesinado por unos bandidos. Dispuesto a hacer pactos con el diablo y a tolerar todo tipo de abusos, con el fin de llevar a cabo mi ‘misión’ y sin importar el precio, entré a la política y llegué a la Presidencia—según quienes así piensan—para vengarme de las FARC y de todos los grupos de izquierda.”
La cita es del reciente libro de Álvaro Uribe No hay causa perdida, y aunque el mismo Uribe toma como falsa esa interpretación, ¿cómo más se puede leer el desespero y la aversión con la que fustiga a diario al presidente Juan Manuel Santos, su ex-discípulo, y a todo lo que le huela a una paz negociada con la guerrilla?
Uribe intentó una paz con los paramilitares, a quienes les ofreció concesiones importantes en temas de cese de hostilidades, impunidad, reparación de víctimas y participación política, pero ahora no permite que el país se la juegue por la reconciliación con las Farc. Es como si su guerra contra las Farc se pudiera ganar solo con más muertes, como si no importara que el país se siguiera desangrando, como si para él firmar la paz fuera algo de cobardes o como si el perdón diera vergüenza. Todo esto porque la paz de Santos amenaza su proyecto de país y porque para el uribismo en la guerra tiene que haber un vencedor y un vencido. Uribe sin guerra sería el desvanecimiento de Uribe.
Opposition leader Leopoldo López is back in court this morning after his 11-hour hearing was adjourned yesterday. Judge Adriana López is expected to decide whether the former mayor of Chacao will face a criminal trial and, if so, if he will remain in the Ramo Verde military prison while awaiting his trial date.
López, founder and national coordinator of the Voluntad Popular (Popular Will) party and outspoken critic of the Chávez, and later, Maudro governments, has been in custody at the military prison since February after he turned himself in to authorities. Despite yesterday’s lengthy session, defense attorney Bernardo Pulido stated that the defense counsel was not called to take the floor. Because of limited access to the courtroom, much of the information has come from López’ wife, Lilian Tintori’s, social media accounts.
López is currently charged with arson, damage to public property, incitement, and conspiracy for his role in calling for the student protests against the government in February that turned violent. If charged, he faces up to ten years in prison.
OAS General Assembly in Paraguay: The Organization of American States (OAS) will hold its General Assembly in Asunción, Paraguay from June 3 to 5. At least 29 foreign ministers have confirmed their attendance—the highest number to do so since the 2009 General Assembly in Honduras, following the coup that removed former President Manuel Zelaya from office. OAS member states remain divided over the political crisis in Venezuela, proposed changes to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, and the participation of Cuba, among other issues. Those attending the assembly are expected to sign a declaration to signal their commitment to promote social inclusion and reduce poverty and social inequality in the hemisphere.
Brazil’s Public Ministry to Create a “Crisis Cabinet” for the World Cup: With only ten days left before the start of the World Cup, Brazil’s public minister, Rodrigo Janot, declared that the government would create a “Crisis Cabinet” to monitor any future protests during the World Cup and address “excesses” on the part of either protesters or security forces during public manifestations. The Cabinet will include state attorney generals from all states that will host the World Cup, as well as the federal district that includes Brasília, and will receive additional assistance from a support group made of other public officials from the public ministry and attorney general’s office. June 6 marks the one-year anniversary of protests that erupted across Brazil in response to transit costs, poor public services, corruption, and high spending on the World Cup.
Sánchez Céren Sworn in as Salvadoran President: Former FMLN guerrilla Salvador Sánchez Céren was sworn in as El Salvador’s president on June 1, after narrowly defeating rival candidate Norman Quijano in a run-off election on March 9. Sánchez Céren said that he would fight corruption and violence during his term and would prioritize security, employment and education. El Salvador faces one of the world’s highest homicide rates, according to the UN, at 41 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2012, though the rate was even higher in 2009. Sánchez Cerén was vice president during the government of former President Mauricio Funes.
Leopoldo López Hearing Begins in Venezuela: Venezuelan opposition leader Leopoldo López has been transferred to Venezuela’s Palacio de Justicia to begin a preliminary hearing on Monday. The hearing will determine whether López should be tried for promoting violence and instigating damage to public property, among other charges, during Venezuela’s February 12 protests. López, who was detained in February, has been held in a military prison for the last several months, and he faces a potential sentence of more than 13 years in prison, according to Venezuelan Attorney General Luisa Ortega Díaz.
Uruguayan Primary Elections: Uruguayans voted in primary elections on June 1, with a paltry turnout of only 39 percent of eligible voters selecting presidential candidates for the country’s three major political parties: the Partido Nacional (PN), Partido Colorado (PC) and the Frente Amplio (FA). The results were predictable for the FA—with popular former president Tabaré Vázquez easily defeating senator and political scientist Constanza Moreira—and the PC, which elected Pedro Bordaberry, a former presidential candidate and son of ex-President Juan María Bordaberry. However, Luis Lacalle Pou unexpectedly defeated favorite Jorge Larrañaga in the PN primary, creating a need for the PC and FA to reevaluate their strategies for Uruguay’s presidential election on October 26.
In a competition for most improbable place to host the World Cup, the city of Manaus would surely make the finals. Its Arena da Amazônia sits in the middle of the Amazon Rainforest, 900 miles up the Amazon River in Brazil’s isolated Amazonas state bordering Venezuela, Colombia, and Peru. “The Amazon Arena” will host four matches next month– including one featuring the English team, whose coach got into a spat with the mayor of Manaus after complaining about the prospect of having to play “in the middle of the Amazonian jungle.”
So perhaps more than any other of Brazil’s 12 World Cup host cities, Manaus faces a Sisyphean task during next month’s influx of futebol superstars and their rabid fans: prove that it was worthwhile to build a $300 million, 42,000-seat stadium in an isolated port city lacking a serious futebol culture, or experience hosting major events.
"I didn’t have any idea how difficult this would be,” said Eraldo Boechat Leal, executive coordinator of the Unidade Gestora do Projeto Copa (“UGP Copa”), the project management unit overseeing all World Cup preparations for the state of Amazonas. "It was a huge, huge, huge challenge."
Leal and I had lunch recently at a restaurant on the banks of the Rio Negro, an Amazon tributary that had supplied our spread of baked tambaqui fish and bolinhos de bacalhão (fried codfish). Outside the windows, an afternoon monsoon obscured the view onto an inlet littered with refuse, filled with fishing boats, and surrounded by colorful pink and orange shanty homes. The previous evening, Arena da Amazônia had hosted the top-flight Brazilian team Santos, giving Leal and his team a final chance to iron out the wrinkles before Manaus hands the stadium keys to FIFA at the end of May.
The first round of presidential elections in Colombia, held on May 25, did not surprise anyone. The uribista candidate, Óscar Iván Zuluaga, won with 29.2 percent of the vote over incumbent president Juan Manuel Santos, who won a disappointing 25.6 percent of the vote. The remaining votes were split between the three other major candidates: the conservative Marta Lucía Ramírez (15.5 percent), the leftist Clara López (15.2 percent) and the Green Alliance’s Enrique Peñalosa (8.2 percent).
A record six percent of voters submitted blank ballots. Sixty percent of the population able to vote did not attend to the polls. Since no single contender received more than 50 percent of the vote, the two candidates who received the most votes, Zuluaga and Santos, will face each other in a runoff on June 15.
These results confirmed the momentum gained by the opposition, led by former president and senator-elect Álvaro Uribe—and the stagnation of President Santos’ popular support. In the March 9 congressional election, Uribe’s newly-created party, the Centro Democrático, won 20 seats in the senate, including one for Uribe himself.
Zuluaga’s lead in the first round of voting is, in fact, a triumph for Uribe. Without even being on the ballot, Colombia’s presidential elections have revolved around former president Uribe and his ideas.
San Diego County Sheriff Bill Gore announced yesterday that the county will no longer honor “detainer requests” from U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). The detainers, part of ICE’s Secure Communities program, ask state and local law enforcement agencies to hold potentially deportable individuals in jail for up to 48 hours, even if they are otherwise eligible for release from custody.
“The sheriff’s department will detain someone past their local release date if presented with an arrest warrant based on a probable-cause finding by ICE,” Gore said. “In cases where ICE has an immigration interest in one of our inmates and no ICE arrest warrant has been presented, we will continue our practice of notifying ICE of the date, time and location of our inmates’ release.”
The policy change comes one month after a federal judge found that police in Clackamas County, Oregon violated Mexican immigrant Miranda-Olivares’ Fourth Amendment rights in March 2012 when they honored a detainer request without probable cause or a court-approved warrant. In the ruling, U.S. District Court Judge Janice Stewart said, “No federal circuit court ‘has ever described ICE detainers as anything but requests.’”
The legal precedent helped San Diego become the largest county in the nation to refuse such requests, joining Alameda, Santa Clara, San Francisco, San Bernardino, Santa Cruz, Monterey, and Riverside counties in the state of California. Nationally, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Denver, and a number of counties in Oregon have agreed not to honor ICE detainer request.
“We applaud Sheriff Gore’s action recognizing the important values of due process and equality under the law that are foundational to our justice system,” said Homayra Yusufi-Marin, policy advocate for the ACLU of San Diego & Imperial Counties.
In the absence of comprehensive immigration at the federal level, states and counties across the U.S. are taking steps to address immigration policy. And while the House of Representatives has thus far chosen to not vote on the reform bill the passed the Senate last June, the chamber did approve an amendment yesterday introduced by immigration hard-liner Rep. Steve King (R-Iowa) to provide the Justice Department $5 million to investigate the release of criminals from immigrant detention.
Lawyers representing the Indigenous Diaguita announced an initial agreement with mining giant Barrick Gold on Wednesday. Negotiations stalled in 2013 after the Canadian company invested $5 million in the Pascua-Lama mining project in the southern Atacama Desert.
The Diaguita had opposed the gold and copper mine located on the border of Chile and Argentina on the grounds that they were not properly consulted through the consulta previa process established by International Labour Organization Convention 169 (ILO 169) and codified into Chilean national law in 2009.
The initial agreement, which will be valid for six months, is the first in a series of steps that must be taken under ILO 169 before Barrick Gold can move forward. If the Diaguita community approves of Barrick’s project proposal, the two parties will enter the dialogue phase, which can last up to two years.
Despite the initial agreement, the Pascua-Lama project is officially on hold until water management infrastructure to prevent water pollution is constructed and the dialogue phase under ILO 169 is complete.
Miedo. Una simple lectura—que no pretende ser estadística—de las redes sociales, tras el resultado electoral del pasado domingo en Colombia, me arrojó innumerables veces esa palabra. Colombianos indignados y connotados columnistas la usaron para manifestar lo que sienten frente al escenario que el 40% de los votantes del país nos dejó para segunda vuelta: otra elección entre representantes de la misma oligarquía de siempre, el presidente en ejercicio, Juan Manuel Santos y el candidato del Centro Democrático uribista, Óscar Iván Zuluaga.
Una elección entre la ultraderecha y la centroderecha, entre la guerra y la paz, entre los amigos y enemigos del ex presidente y flamante senador Álvaro Uribe, quien es sin duda no solo el gran elector de la jornada sino el gran protagonista de la política colombiana de los últimos 12 años.
Es así como el epílogo de la carrera electoral a la que llegó Colombia el domingo, y que hasta hace apenas un mes parecía ser liderada por la anunciada reelección de Santos (difícilmente un mandatario no es reelecto; Lula, Evo, y Correa son ejemplos) estuvo marcado por la abstención y el miedo.
Ya no es el miedo a salir a votar o a ser amenazado si no se vota por el candidato respaldado por los violentos; paradójicamente, fue una de las jornadas electorales más tranquilas, gracias a la tregua pactada con las FARC y el ELN desde La Habana. Es el miedo a que ese proceso de paz se rompa, o a que por seguir avanzando en la idea de diversos sectores del país de que es conversando y no a bala que la guerra se acaba, los guerrilleros salgan impunes de sus crímenes o venga a Colombia el “castro-chavismo.”
El miedo a que las FARC se “adueñen” del país fue el discurso ventilado sin cesar desde la campaña de Zuluaga (es decir, la de Uribe). El ganador de primera vuelta con el 29,26%, 3.759.862 votos, ya anunció que rompería el proceso de paz si gana la segunda. Un mensaje que siempre cala porque es más fácil vender el discurso de seguridad que el de la paz, y porque sobre el segundo, difuso y complejo, se ha especulado mucho desde que se iniciaron las conversaciones en La Habana. El elector común no tiene información sobre lo que se está pactando en Cuba o tal vez simplemente no le interesa. Tampoco ha habido suficiente pedagogía.
Si bien muchos en Colombia queremos la paz, la complejidad de discutir políticas como la agraria, la antidroga o la participación política de los alzados en armas no pasa por el análisis del electorado. Que eso le signifique seguridad en el mediano y largo plazo, no es algo que el ciudadano digiera la hora de ir a la urnas.
Si es en cambio de expresa preocupación para partidos políticos, intelectuales y medios de comunicación que han hablado en los últimos días de hacer un frente por la paz para rodear el proceso. Esto es, votar por Santos. Aún sus más enconados opositores—como su contendor del 2010, Antanas Mockus; la ex candidata del Polo Democrático Alternativo (un partido de la izquierda), Clara López (que obtuvo en la primera vuelta el nada despreciable número de 1.957.626 votos); y el alcalde de Bogotá, Gustavo Petro—hoy hacen campaña pública para rodear el proceso. Dentro de los movimientos de izquierda y de organizaciones de derechos humanos que tienen sentidas diferencias con Santos por haber manejado con desatino las protestas y demandas de sectores campesinos, hay un debate interno por tener que elegir el mal menos peor con tal de no dejar que la ultraderecha se tome el país, con todo lo que eso significa: falsos positivos, avance del paramilitarismo y más guerra.
Así las cosas y a sabiendas de que los conservadores se irán con Zuluaga (es decir con Uribe), lo que representa los 1.995.628 votos que obtuvo Marta Lucía Ramírez, aún falta saber que pasará con los votos de Enrique Peñalosa (1.065.111, correspondientes al 8,29 por ciento) y con la también histórica cifra de voto en blanco que alcanzó el 6%. De las alianzas y de lo que pase en las siguientes dos semanas y media de campaña, depende el futuro del país. Zuluaga se ha mostrado inmune e impune a los escándalos: ni un hacker entregándole información confidencial sobre La Habana lograron desbancarlo del primer lugar.
Las FARC, que cumplieron 50 años de fundadas este 27 de mayo y quienes fueron factor de peso electoral en su momento (eligieron a Pastrana y a Uribe por razones totalmente opuestas) prefirieron callar hasta segunda vuelta. El país también les pide un gesto generoso de paz que devuelva la confianza de que el proceso vale la pena, que extiendan la tregua y avancen en pactos. Aunque es el tema que por décadas ha trasnochado a Colombia, este 15 de junio más que nunca es el ballotage (segunda ronda) por la paz. Y contra el miedo.
Interpol issued a warrant for the arrest of former Ecuadorian President Jamil Mahuad on Tuesday for embezzlement, mishandling of public funds and causing the country's banking crisis in the late 1990s.
Mahuad became president in 1998 when Ecuador was on the brink of war with neighboring Peru over a territorial dispute. Mahuad and then Peruvian president Alberto Fujimori signed a peace treaty months later, and they were both nominated for a Nobel Peace Prize for this act. Things changed on March 9, 1999, when Mahuad declared a state of emergency and two days later, he froze bank accounts across the country, shutting down half of the 42 banks operating in Ecuador. The former president also replaced Ecuador's sucre currency with the U.S. dollar.
A coup by the military and the Confederación de Nacionalidades Indígenas del Ecuador (Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador—CONAIE) in January 2000 forced Mahuad to flee Ecuador to the United States. He settled in Boston and is now a professor at Harvard University.
The Interpol warrant means that Mahuad may now be detained and extradited to Ecuador to face charges which could see him jailed for between eight and 12 years.
The case against the Mahuad was brought forth by the Ecuadorian government 13 years ago and has been ongoing. In December 2012, Ecuador's Corte Nacional de Justicia (National Court of Justice) requested that Interpol capture Mahuad, but Interpol denied the claim in January 2013.
On two previous occasions, I have used the Americas Quarterly blog as a space to talk about gun violence. The incidents in Aurora (July 2012) provoked one, and another surfaced when remembering the events of Montreal’s Polytechnique Engineering School in 1989 where 14 women were gunned down. We can also recall Virginia Tech, Columbine, Sandy Hook, and Dawson College as further evidence that gun violence is still very prevalent. All this violence has occurred on school campuses involving assailants with serious mental problems.
Now we have the sad and scary events in Santa Barbara. As the parent of one of the victims said last Saturday: when will it stop?
This past weekend we were exposed to the YouTube video of the alleged killer in Santa Barbara where six people died and 13 were injured. The footage was chilling to watch and was replayed continuously over various newscasts. The killing rummage was quick and sudden and it surfaced that the assailant purchased his weapon and armaments legally.
It would be easy to say this is an American problem and that we in Canada can only shake our heads in disbelief, especially given that these killing sprees are more frequent in the U.S. than anywhere else in the world. However, violence does not stop at the border as we have seen all too often.
Patricia Gutierrez de Ceballos and Rosa Brandonisio—married to Daniel Ceballos and Vicencio Scarano, ousted mayors of San Cristobal and San Diego respectively—won landslide votes in Venezuela’s mayoral elections on Sunday to replace their husbands after both men had been arrested and jailed as part of the opposition protests. The women are both part of the Mesa de la Unidad Democrática (Democratic Unity Roundtable—MUD) opposition group.
Thirty-year-old Patricia Gutierrez de Ceballos, who has no previous political experience, won over 73 percent of the mayoral votes in San Cristobal this Sunday. In the midst of increasing protests in the city, her husband was arrested and sentenced to 12 months in jail under accusation of conspiracy and civil rebellion. In San Diego, Vicencio (Enzo) Scarano was sentenced to over 10 months in prison for refusal to remove protesters’ street barricades. His wife, Rosa Brandonisio, a former City Council member, won over 87 percent of the votes in Sunday’s election. Brandonisio has endorsed continued peaceful protesting in Venezuela as part of her campaign. “The people will remain peacefully in the streets, making people listen, so that it echoes throughout the world that Venezuela right now is going through a very difficult time, economically, socially, morally, and politically,” she said.
President Nicolás Maduro, however, gave ominous declarations during the voting on Sunday. “If elected mayors turn crazy, they will also be judged,” he said.
San Cristobal and San Diego have been among the most violent cities during the Venezuelan protests, with dozens of people killed in each location. Anti-government protests have been taking place since February 13 when student-organized protests flared up and turned violent in Caracas.
I, like many others, was one of those who sent an e-mail to the U.S. State Department inquiring about the visa status of a number of Cuban economists coming to the Latin American Studies Association (LASA) last week in Chicago. Most, though not all of them, received visas after becoming lodged in the State Department’s labyrinthine processes.
Sadly, I couldn’t have done the same for Manuel Cuesta Mora, a Cuban human rights activist who requested a visa from his government to travel to the same LASA conference. The Cuban government denied his visa, and I don’t have much pull with those guys, unfortunately.
Denied. [But the Joke’s on the Cuban Government]
The news of Cuesta Morua’s visa denial arrived just before the LASA conference started. According to the Cuban government the reason for Cuesta Morua’s inability to leave his country was that he had previously been arrested for participating in a peaceful protest in late January 2014, expressing citizen opposition to yet another regional platitudinous summit that failed to recognize the democratic values it purports to uphold.
In this case it was the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) summit held in Havana. Dozens of activists were rounded up by the Cuban government to preempt any embarrassing expressions of “democratic-ness.” And most Latin American presidents didn’t say a word, though many have benefitted from the sort of democratic openness or its defense under other less-leftist regimes.
It has been a surprising trend that, for the past several years, a number of Latin American countries have voted into power democratically elected left-wing governments of some kind—whereas Colombia has steered toward governments from the right of the political spectrum.
Even in countries in the region where right-wing presidents continue to hold office, like Mexico or Paraguay, there is still a strong Left that disputes elections and gets a considerable amount of legislators elected in the polls. In Colombia, on the other hand, political power has been largely split—at least in the last two decades—between different factions of the conservative Right.
Meanwhile, the emaciated democratic Left is crippled by internal rivalries (like in the case of the Polo Democrático), and has been targeted by death squads whenever it manages to approach a position of real power (like the widespread assassination of Unión Patriótica leaders and of demobilized M-19 fighters-turned-politicians in the 1980s and 90s).
Colombia’s current political trends can be explained by history. Historically, Colombia has been a geographically divided country since colonial times. After independence, no political party managed to unify the different territories that constituted the nation, and instead, the country was governed by strong regional socio-political dynamics.
Esta semana los líderes de The Guardian se reunieron con los directivos del diario El País para la entrega del premio Ortega y Gasset, pero más allá de los formalismos, fue un encuentro entre periodistas, donde emergió un debate que nos afecta a todos. ¿Cuál es la esencia del periodismo y su vigencia?
La respuesta fue inmediata: las historias. Más allá de los soportes, es decir redes sociales, contenidos audiovisuales o elementos para difundir la información, lo que marca la calidad y sello del contenido, son las historias.
Aquellas que no se encuentran en un comunicado de prensa. Aquellas que no se encuentran, muchas veces, detrás de un escritorio.
Los periodistas somos personas que contamos historias sobre otras personas. Es tan simple como eso. Es un oficio esencialmente humano y aunque la industria ha afrontado tiempos de enorme crisis, apostar por las historias, es apostar por un mundo que se alimenta de conexiones propias de nuestra naturaleza social.
El soporte es sólo el vehículo, pero es finalmente la historia lo que nos hace detenernos. Al leerla nos vemos a nosotros mismos, cómo afecta nuestra vida, nos hace reflexionar respecto a qué queremos hacer en este minuto o en los próximos 10 años. Nos interesa, nos molesta, nos lapida, genera una reacción.
The Dominican Republic’s Senate passed a bill granting citizenship to children born in the Dominican Republic to migrant parents on the night of May 21st, following the approval of the law by the Cámara de Diputados (Chamber of Deputies) last Friday. Senator Cristina Lizardo, from Santo Domingo requested that the legislation be passed in urgency bypassing normal procedures and the bill was passed after two readings. The law only needs the president’s signature to go into effect.
Dominican Republican President Danilo Medina proposed the legislation after the country received international criticism due to a Constitutional Court ruling from September 2013 that determined that the children of immigrants could not be considered citizens because their parents came to the Dominican Republic “in transit”. The country was accused of racism by its Caribbean neighbors, who believed the law specifically targeted the Haitian community that make up the majority of immigrants to the Dominican Republic. Tensions flared between Haiti and the Dominican Republic leading both countries to recall their ambassadors.
The law seeks to provide a path to citizenship for the children of immigrants that had been irregularly recorded or are not registered in the Dominican Civil Registry. Some argue that the law still discriminates against people who do not have documentation, but the Dominican government says that they can apply for naturalization two years after registering with this system. Haitian Prime Minister, Laurent Lamothe, expressed approval of the new law, a sign that the countries may fully reestablish diplomatic relations.
Stay tuned to hear more on this debate in our summer issue of America’s Quarterly which will feature a co-authored article from Haitian author Edwidge Danticat and Dominican author Junot Diaz.
With 21 days left before the World Cup begins, Brazilian bus drivers have gone on strike—shutting down terminals across São Paulo—while thousands of police are striking in 14 of Brazil’s 26 states and smaller protests are cropping up across the country.
In São Paulo, Brazil’s most populous city with over 20 million inhabitants, over half of the city’s 28 bus terminals are closed due to the strikes. The bus strike began on Tuesday with 300 drivers marching to the the mayor’s office to demand a meeting with São Paulo Mayor Fernando Haddad. Bus drivers are demanding a salary increase that surpasses the 10 percent increase agreement reached by their union, which they have rejected as insufficient. The Rio de Janeiro police force joined them yesterday, launching a 24 hour strike to call for a salary increase of their own.
Police strikes and protests are a particular concern to officials, since six of the 14 states where strikes are occurring (Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo, Minas Gerais, Bahia, Pernambuco, and Amazonas) are scheduled to hold World Cup games next month.
As the chaos continues, Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff’s government continues its efforts to calm the protests. “We hope common sense prevails, that as the World Cup approaches these protests will diminish,”said Secretary General Gilberto Carvalho.
Tradicionalmente, las elecciones presidenciales en Colombia se han caracterizado por sus escándalos de corrupción, filtración de dineros del narcotráfico, y compra desmedida de votos. Lejos de romper con esta penosa tradición, la actual carrera presidencial pasará a la historia, por sumar a este prontuario el espionaje, la polarización, los insultos y acusaciones, y la falta de propuestas serias.
A pesar de contar con la presencia de varios candidatos con ideologías diversas, las elecciones presidenciales del 2014 parecen enfrentar únicamente a dos de ellos, provenientes de la misma corriente política: Óscar Iván Zuluaga, del Uribe Centro Democrático (partido creado por el ex presidente Álvaro Uribe) y Juan Manuel Santos, del Partido de la U. (movimiento político creado por el mismo presidente. El afán por obtener la presidencia ha llevado a algunos miembros de estos dos grupos a cometer actos de dudosa profesionalidad y a rayar en la ilegalidad.
Por una parte, al Centro Democrático se le han comprobado vínculos con Andrés Sepúlveda, a quién a su vez se le investiga por interceptaciones ilegales de las comunicaciones del Presidente Santos y del equipo de negociadores del proceso de paz, que en la actualidad sostienen el gobierno y las FARC en La Habana, Cuba. Adicionalmente, un sector importante de las fuerzas militares colombianas ha mostrado abiertamente su simpatía con el movimiento político de Uribe. Esta lealtad quedó en evidencia con una polémica filtración de coordenadas geográficas de operativos secretos de inteligencia al ex-presidente, quien de inmediato las publicó en Twitter, sin reparo por los riesgos evidentes de seguridad para los involucrados en dichas misiones.
Cuban dissident Yoani Sánchez launched 14ymedio, an online-only newspaper, on Wednesday morning. The outlet is meant to be an alternative to the state-controlled media, but Sánchez said that it will not serve as a platform to criticize the government. Rather, it will “contribute information so that Cubans can decide, with more maturity, their own destinies,” Sánchez said.
Activist Reinaldo Escobar, the paper’s editor-in-chief and Sanchez’ husband, said 14ymedio would avoid tension with the government by remaining a digital-only title and steering clear of loaded words like “dictatorship” and “regime.” While the first edition ran an interview with jailed opposition writer Ángel Santiesteban, the paper also covers issues beyond politics, like sports and style.
14ymedio will likely have limited readership, given that Internet access is sparse in Cuba and information is tightly controlled by the government. Three years ago, the Venezuelan government built a high-speed fiber optic cable, bringing more online access to the island. And though there are now some 300 public Internet cafes across the country, Internet use is prohibitively expensive—sometimes costing a week’s worth of public employee wages.
En nombre de la Revolución Bolivariana, Hugo Chávez le dio una prioridad nunca antes vista a la política exterior venezolana. Ni en el periodo de la Doctrina Betancourt—diseñada para aislar a los regímenes autoritarios de las Américas—ni en el del Tercermundismo de primer gobierno de Carlos Andrés Pérez, tuvo Caracas un protagonismo internacional como el que experimentó bajo la revolucionaria y sobredimensionada Doctrina Chávez.
Es por ello que la tímida y defensiva posición diplomática de Venezuela en el primer año de Maduro llama la atención y genera cambios en la dinámica política hemisférica. ¿Qué pasó con la política exterior venezolana? El precio de un barril de petróleo sigue alrededor de los US $100, y Chávez parece haber dejado instrucciones precisas. Las principales piezas gabinete de gobierno son hombres de confianza de “El Comandante,” pero la política exterior venezolana es irreconocible.
Como política pública, la exterior es compleja, porque conecta a los sistemas políticos doméstico e internacional, es decir, que está sujeta a variables internas y externas. Las variables del sistema internacional—salvo graves crisis—suelen moverse de manera lenta. Aun los cambios más espectaculares requieren de meses o años de maduración antes de ocurrir. La política doméstica puede ser más volátil, sobre todo en países en los que la institucionalidad ha sido degradada sistemáticamente. Esto genera una interacción de sistemas que van a distinta velocidad. Por esta razón, el caso de la contracción de la política exterior venezolana debe ser coyunturalmente analizado a partir de factores de política doméstica.
De los factores a analizar podemos destacar dos íntimamente vinculados: la desprofesionalización diplomática y la ausencia del líder fuerte. Ambos corresponden al proceso de desinstitucionalización propio del personalismo político. El primero es responsabilidad directa del mismo Chávez. Contrario al resto de las potencias regionales y potencias medias—y buena parte de las menores—latinoamericanas, Venezuela partidizó su academia diplomática y en la práctica abolió la carrera del servicio exterior. Este proceso fortaleció al presidente, a su partido, pero debilitó al Estado en su conjunto. La muerte de Chávez pone en evidencia a una política exterior altamente dependiente de la discrecionalidad, sin que existan instituciones que permitan darle continuidad, ni siquiera a la propia promoción revolucionaria en el exterior.
Seventy-one percent of likely voters—including 64 percent of Republicans—in the most competitive congressional districts in the United States consider support for comprehensive immigration reform an important factor in how they cast their vote in November, a recent Politico poll found. The survey released on Monday polled 867 likely voters in both English and Spanish and had a margin of error of plus/minus 4.1 percentage points.
According to the results, support for an immigration overhaul crossed party lines, with 78 percent of Democrats and 71 percent of independents calling it an important factor in deciding who to vote for. The same is true for 85 percent of Hispanic voters, 74 percent of white voters and 58 percent of African-American voters. Only 26 percent of those polled said that immigration would not influence their vote, and just 12 percent opposed comprehensive reform.
The poll comes less than a week after President Barack Obama set a timeline for action on reform during a meeting with law enforcement officials last Tuesday. While the Senate passed a comprehensive bill last June, similar legislation has been stalled in the House of Representatives. Meanwhile, Secretary of Homeland Security Jeh Johnson is in the midst of conducting a review of the administration’s immigration enforcement policies, specifically the controversial Secure Communities program.
This week’s likely top stories: Candidate Óscar Iván Zuluaga is implicated in a Colombian hacking scandal; Gustavo Madero wins the PAN’s internal elections in Mexico; the Colombian government and FARC reach an agreement on drugs; the UN Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights will visit Guatemala; Argentine Vice President Amado Bodou may be called to testify in a criminal investigation.
Colombian Hacking Scandal Deepens with Release of New Video: A video released this week has implicated Colombian presidential candidate Óscar Iván Zuluaga in a hacking scandal just a week ahead of the country’s presidential election on May 25. The video was published by Colombian news magazine Semana and shows Zuluaga discussing illegal interceptions of military intelligence with his advisor, Andrés Sepulveda, who was arrested and charged with hacking and espionage early this month. Last week, Zuluaga took a narrow lead in the polls over current President Juan Manuel Santos, who is running for re-election. Former Bogotá Mayor Enrique Peñalosa, also a candidate in Sunday’s elections, has called on Zuluaga to quit the race.
PAN Leader Re-elected in Mexico, Improving Chances of Reforms: The leader of the Partido Acción Nacional (National Action Party—PAN), Gustavo Madero, easily won re-election on Sunday in the party’s internal election process, increasing chances that oil and telecom reforms in Mexico will pass. Madero has been working with Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto to pass the reforms, although his party has been divided by its cooperation with Peña Nieto’s Partido Revolucionario Institucional (Institutional Revolutionary Party—PRI). Madero won 57 percent of the votes cast by 155,984 PAN party members, easily defeating his rival, Ernesto Cordero, who won 43 percent of the vote and said that the PAN should be “responsible and firm” in its opposition to the PRI.
Colombia and FARC Reach Agreement on Drugs: The Colombian government and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia—FARC) reached an agreement on Friday to stem the country’s illegal drug trade, the third point of their six-point peace agenda. The government and rebels had already reached agreements on land reform and political participation last year. Humberto de la Calle, the government’s chief negotiator in Havana, said that the FARC has agreed to sever any ties to drug trafficking and that both sides have agreed to clear rural areas of land mines. FARC negotiator Iván Márquez said the government will address the health consequences of spraying toxic chemicals on coca fields by paying reparations to those affected.
UN Deputy High Commissioner on Human Rights to Visit Guatemala: United Nations Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights Flavia Pansieri will pay an official visit to Guatemala on May 25 in order to conclude the office’s technical assistance to the country, according to a press release from the high commissioner’s office. Pansieri is expected to meet with Guatemalan President Otto Pérez Molina, as well as with several government ministers, members of congress, and the president of the Comisión Presidencial de Derechos Humanos (Presidential Commission of Human Rights—COPREDEH). She will also travel to Izabel to meet with Indigenous women who were victims of sexual violence during Guatemala’s armed conflict and will speak with human rights activists. Pansieri will conclude her visit on May 29.
Argentine Vice President Bodou May Testify in Criminal Investigation: An Argentine appeals court on Friday rejected a request by Argentine Vice President Amado Bodou to be removed from an ongoing tax evasion and influence-peddling investigation. The case focuses on a family-run printing firm, formerly known as Ciccone Calcográfica S.A., which was saved from bankruptcy in 2010 after receiving an injection of capital from a firm run by an acquaintance of Boudou’s close friend, and eventually passed into state hands. Bodou didn’t become involved in the investigation until 2012, after a police raid on an apartment he owned turned up evidence that he may have been involved. Boudou has maintained that he was not involved in any criminal wrongdoing, and has declined to take a leave of absence from office. The court may call on him to testify in the case.
Mexico’s Coordinadora Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación (National Coordinator of Education Workers–CNTE), the powerful teacher’s union, took to the streets of Mexico City yesterday to protest President Enrique Peña Nieto’s educational reform, including a 3.5 percent increase in teachers’ wages. The leaders of the union sent a message to the president calling the increase “a joke.”
The education reform seeks to professionalize Mexico’s teachers, some of who have been accused of being "maestros aviadores" (aviator teachers) because they regularly fail to attend class. The protests in the capital come a month after local governments in Oaxaca, Chiapas, Michoacán, Sonora, Zacatecas and Baja California were taken to court by the Peña Nieto’s administration for not adhering to the rules of the reforms, and the laws of the “Servicio Profesional Docente” (Professional Teaching Service).
The educational reform project began with an agreement among Mexico’s three main political parties, known as the Pacto por México (Pact for Mexico). The reforms have faced stiff opposition, especially in southern Mexico where protests in Guerrero have turned violent and over a million students in Oaxaca missed nearly two months of class in September and October of last year. After taking to the streets on May 15, teachers threatened to call for more powerful protests and mobilizations against the Peña Nieto government.
On May 13, director Pamela Yates, producer Paco De Onís, and editor Peter Kinoy launched a special screening and discussion of their documentary film “Disruption” at ThoughtWorks’ Technology Salon in New York City.
“Disruption” takes the filmmakers’ body of work, which has long focused on human rights and transitional justice, in a new direction. The film opens by showcasing the Bogotá-based NGO Fundación Capital’s efforts to work directly with women in Colombia and Peru, and later Brazil, to fight poverty and inequality through the Women Savers program, which empowers women to open bank accounts and save money. Thanks to hands-on training—which later evolves into Colombia LISTA, an innovative financial tutorial program delivered by tablet—the women in the film not only develop a new knowledge of their rights and abilities, but are inspired to open their own businesses and become social and political leaders in their communities.
Eventually, recognizing both the achievements and the shortcomings of conditional cash transfer programs such as Bolsa Familia in Brazil, where beneficiaries age out of the system when children graduate from school, Fundación Capital takes its model abroad to other parts of the Americas. The film crew shadows members of the NGO as they visit government ministers in Rio de Janeiro and Citi executives in New York City to find out if their financial inclusion programs can be scaled to a national and regional level and used to create permanent change.
Buses in Rio de Janeiro returned to normal operations today after a strike immobilized the city for two days. The strike began Tuesday and left hundreds of thousands of commuters without transportation. According to Alexandre Almeida, the Rio Onibus press officer, at the start of the strike over 7,500 buses—comprising 84 percent of the city’s bus fleet—were halted. Bus drivers initially began striking for 24 hours last Thursday and decided to reinitiate the strike after their demands for better working conditions and a 40 percent salary increase were not met.
Between last week and this week’s strike, over 700 buses have been damaged as part of the protest and strike. The Transônibus union, which represents 36 bus companies across Rio de Janeiro state, reached an agreement with transportation companies for a 10 percent increase in salaries, but drivers rejected the proposal. The Central Sindical e Popular Conlutas (Trade Union and People Center—CSP), representing the drivers, complained that the agreement between the union and the companies “still eliminates 28,000 fair-collector jobs.” Hélio Teodoro, a leader of the striking bus drivers, stressed the importance of including the bus drivers themselves in the discussions. “The solution is the union and the companies sitting down with us to negotiate,” he said.
With less than a month until the 2014 World Cup begins, an increase in strikes and protests has left many wondering if the city is prepared to take on the over 600,000 tourists that will be traveling to Rio de Janeiro for the games.
In a meeting with law enforcement officials at the White House on Tuesday, President Barack Obama said that House Republicans have a “narrow window” of two or three months to push comprehensive immigration reform legislation through before midterm politics become a priority. Congressional elections will be held on November 4.
At the meeting, Obama cast immigration reform as a security issue, saying that maintaining the status quo “makes it harder for our law enforcement agencies to do their job.” The president signaled that the administration could “reboot” the controversial Secure Communities program, which shares information on immigrants gathered by local and state law enforcement with the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).
Secretary of Homeland Security Jeh Johnson—who assumed office last December—is in the midst of conducting a review of the administration’s immigration enforcement policies. Over the past few months, Johnson has met with stakeholders on both sides of the immigration reform debate, including the national immigrant youth organization United We Dream and the nonprofit Center for Immigration Studies.
The president expressed hope that comprehensive reform legislation—like the bill that passed the Senate with bipartisan support in June 2013—would make it to his desk, provided that there’s movement before the August recess. Republican Speaker of the House John Boehner told local chambers of commerce in San Antonio on Monday that both parties are “getting closer on the policy side in terms of how to deal” with immigration reform.
Exportation in Colombia has been, and remains, a significant driving factor for large-scale mineral exploration, extraction and production by multinational corporations. According to the Banco de la República, the Colombian mining sector contributed to a record high proportion of the country’s total exports in 2011 and 2012, at 71 percent.
Fossil fuels especially constituted an integral component of mining sector production, with oil and coal representing 70 percent and 20 percent of production, respectively. A 2011 report produced by Carolynna Arce, deputy director of the Agencia Nacional de Hidrocarburos (National Hydrocarbon Agency), reported that Colombia received an estimated $4 billion in foreign direct investment in the oil and gas sector in 2010. This could explain why, earlier this year, Colombia Reports ran the headline that “66% of Colombians think mining is positive for the country.”
Such optimism arguably overlooks various Colombian mining scandals, such as the illegal assignment of mining titles in National Parks by Ingeominas that surfaced in 2011. That aside, ABColombia, The Guardian, Peace Brigade International and Guillermo Rudas of Colombia’s Universidad Javeriana all vocally highlighted the tax breaks enjoyed by multinational mining companies in Colombia.
Five hydroelectric projects in the Peruvian Amazon that would generate electricity for consumption within the country and abroad would require more than $7 million in investment, AméricaEconomía reported Monday.
All five projects, located in Amazonas region in northern Peru, would bring over 8,000 jobs to the rural region according to José Arista Arbildo, president of the Gobierno Regional de Amazonas (Regional Government of Amazonas—GRA). This would help Amazonas ease its dependence on agricultural products and transition into a sustainable-energy producing region, Arista said. Two of the projects have already been approved by Peru’s Ministry of Energy and Mines and are projected to be completed in approximately five years. The other three projects are still in the evaluation phase and will not begin construction until 2018.
Similar hydroelectric energy projects have been halted or blocked in Brazil and Chile for failing to properly consult Indigenous communities that would be adversely affected in a legal mechanism known as consulta previa or prior consultation. Inambari, a hydroelectric plant on the border with Brazil has been stalled since 2011 due to environmentalist and Indigenous protests.
Every year around February, Carlos Slim Helú’s name is tossed around in the offices of Forbes magazine. Numbers are crunched, and Forbes’ editors determine if they will publish the Mexican businessman’s name with a 1 or a 2 beside it in their famous “World’s Richest People” list.
In a country ranked 88th in the world in GDP per capita in 2013, with 52.3 percent of its population living below the poverty line in 2012, one has to wonder how it is that Slim is able to accrue so much wealth.
Forbes calculates Slim and his family’s net worth at $72 billion dollars. Other publications calculate his worth at around $75 billion, so let’s settle for $73, give or take a few billion. Putting things into perspective, based on last year’s GDP per capita estimates, Slim’s $73 billion net worth is equivalent to more than the wealth of 4.6 million average Mexicans put together.
There are a number of explanations for how Slim got this rich. Some appeal to the romantic story of an entrepreneurial boy who learned to invest from his father at the age of 12. Others, more critical of Slim, point towards the moment that Slim bought Teléfonos de México (Telmex) in 1990 during the privatizations of former President Carlos Salinas Gortari. In reality, Slim was a wealthy man well before 1990, but I’m sure that gaining control of the only phone company in the country at the time helped grow his assets, which include ownership and/or shareholder participation in over 200 companies in Mexico.
This week’s likely top stories: U.S. Congress considers sanctions against Venezuela; Uruguay’s José Mujica visits with Barack Obama; the leader of the Zetas may be dead; Brazil faces new obstacles in World Cup preparations; Michelle Bachelet visits Cristina Fernández de Kirchner in Argentina.
U.S. Congress Pushes for Sanctions Against Venezuela: The United States House Foreign Affairs Committee on Friday recommended the passage of a bill that would sanction the Venezuelan government for human rights violations committed since nationwide protests started in February. The sanctions would include banning visas and freezing the assets of Venezuelan officials involved in the abuses. On Friday, Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro called the proposed sanctions a “stupid idea,” and on Sunday, the Venezuelan government announced the release of 155 protesters who had been arrested in raids on street encampments last week, although some 160 protesters remain in jail.
Mujica Meets With Obama in Washington DC: Uruguayan President José Mujica is meeting with U.S. President Barack Obama on Monday in Washington DC. Along with a discussion of hemispheric politics and trade, Mujica and Obama are expected to discuss Uruguay’s offer to receive five prisoners from the Guantánamo Bay detention facility in Cuba. Mujica is also expected to seek Obama’s help in fighting a $2 billion lawsuit by tobacco giant Philip Morris, which is suing the South American country for a 2009 anti-tobacco law that the company says violates its intellectual property rights. Mujica is in Washington DC until Thursday, when he is expected to make a presentation before the OAS on the legalization and commercialization of marijuana.
Zetas Leader Believed Dead: Galindo Mellado Cruz, accused of being one of the founders of the Zetas Cartel in Mexico, is believed to be one of five people killed in a shootout in Reynosa, Tamaulipas, on the Mexico-U.S. border. Although Mellado, also known as “El Mellado” or “Z-9”, no longer held a position of power in the Zetas, he was one of the 30 founding members of the cartel, who were originally part of Mexican special forces. The Zetas collaborated with the Gulf Cartel until the two cartels split, provoking a territorial battle that was particularly deadly in Tamaulipas. The Zetas reportedly control more territory than any other criminal gang in Mexico and are notorious for extremely violent and gruesome crimes.
Brazil World Cup Preparations: As rumors circulate that the International Olympic Committee has considered moving the 2016 Olympic Games to London, Brazil is stepping up security preparations for the World Cup, deploying more than 30,000 troops to the country’s borders to target illegal immigration and the trafficking of drugs and weapons. Meanwhile, about 7,000 members of the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra (Homeless Workers’ Movement—MST) have set up camp outside the new Arena Corinthians in São Paulo to demand affordable housing for working-class Brazilians and to protest rising prices and expenditures on World Cup stadiums. Arena Corinthians will host the opening match of the World Cup on June 12.
Bachelet Meets with Fernández de Kirchner: Chilean President Michelle Bachelet has arrived in Buenos Aires to meet with Argentine President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, marking Bachelet’s first international visit since the beginning of her second presidency. The leaders will meet on Monday and primarily discuss reviving the Treaty of Maipú, which was signed by the two presidents in 2009 and sets out to create a bi-oceanic railway network between the Pacific and the Atlantic Oceans. In addition, the presidents will discuss Argentina’s plans to join the Pacific Alliance and relations within the more protectionist Mercosur trade bloc.
Luis Guillermo Solís Rivera became the forty-seventh president of Costa Rica yesterday. Solís, 56, appeared alongside First Lady Mercedes Peñas Domingo at the National Stadium in San José for the inauguration ceremony, saying, “We want to effectively combat poverty, not just administer it.” In addition to its plan to reduce poverty, Solís’ administration will face a divided legislative assembly, ongoing border issues with Nicaragua, and the challenge of regaining Costa Ricans’ trust in politicians and the government.
The victory for Solís and the leftist Partido Acción Ciudadana (Citizen Action Party—PAC) marks the first time since 1948 that a non-traditional party has interrupted the two-party dominance of the Partido Liberación Nacional (National Liberation Party—PNL) and the Partido de Unidad Socialcristiana (Social Christian Unity Party). On April 6, Solís won an astounding 78 percent of the votes in the second round of the Costa Rican elections. This after PLN candidate Johnny Araya dropped out of the presidential runoff race following a poll that showed that Solís already had a commanding 44 percent lead.
The outgoing president, Laura Chinchilla, has faced criticism for the country’s weak infrastructure and growing debt, and her inability to address various scandals. Her PLN party has been in power for the last 8 years.
Argentina’s official government gazette announced yesterday the creation of a cultural ministry department to be headed by folk singer and composer Teresa Adelina Sellares, also known by her stage name, Teresa Parodi.
Prior to the creation of the Cultural Ministry, the government cultural department was run through the Secretary of Culture, Jorge Coscia, who resigned from his position with the appointment of Parodi. The decree issued by the government noted the importance of recognizing culture, given that “political decisions, economic and financial initiatives and social reforms have much more possibilities to success if the cultural perspective is considered.” Among other areas, the Cultural Ministry is in charge of all national museums, and will also work closely with the Assistant Secretary of Sociocultural Policies, Franco Vitali.
Prior to her appointment, Parodi—a former teacher, artist and Peronist activist—had been working at the Espacio Cultural Nuestro Hijos (ECuNHI), a human rights organization run by the Madres de la Plaza de Mayor (Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo). Over her lifetime she has produced 30 albums and received various awards, including the Platinum Konex Award for best author-composer of the decade in 1995, the Award of the National Endowment of the Arts in 1999, the Gardel a la Música in 2003, and the Grand National Prize of Arts and Sciences in 2011.
Cultural development has been a priority for President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner’s administration, supported by leaders in the music, film and art world. With the addition of Minister Parodi, Fernández de Kirchner’s cabinet is now comprised of 16 ministers, all headed by Cabinet Chief Jorge Capitanich.
Luego de pasar por la elección más reñida en la historia reciente de El Salvador, el país espera que en menos de un mes Mauricio Funes, el primer presidente del partido de izquierda Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional (FMLN), deje el poder y le pase la banda presidencial al primer presidente excombatiente del FMLN, Salvador Sánchez Cerén.
El país está literalmente dividido—después de una elección cuya diferencia fue de apenas 0.22 por ciento—y se encuentra en un ambiente de expectativa, en ocasiones tenso y nervioso. Ante una realidad como esa, sumada a un panorama económico desalentador y un aumento en la delincuencia, el presidente electo se verá obligado a colaborar con la oposición política al menos hasta las elecciones legislativas del 2015. Es por eso que la reciente visita de Sánchez Cerén a Venezuela ha generado reacciones encontradas.
Yo le doy dos posibles lecturas a la visita de Sánchez Cerén a Venezuela el pasado 1 de mayo: la primera es optimista y la segunda es un poco más apegada a la realidad. Hace dos meses, en las vísperas de la elección presidencial de El Salvador, el presidente venezolano Nicolás Maduro fue el primero en felicitar a Sánchez Cerén, aun cuando a El Salvador se le agotaban los recursos legales para afirmar quien había ganado la elección presidencial con los márgenes de diferencia más estrechos de las últimas décadas.
June 1: This AQ-Efecto Naím segment looks at sustainable cities in the hemisphere.