From the Americas Society/Council of the Americas. AS/COA Online's news brief examines the major—as well as some of the overlooked—events and stories occurring across the Americas. Check back every Wednesday for the weekly roundup.
Former President of Argentina Dies Suddenly
Néstor Kirchner, who served as the president of Argentina from 2003 to 2007, died after suffering a heart attack on October 27. A former governor from the Patagonian State of Santa Cruz, Kirchner won high approval ratings for steering his country through troubled waters to economic growth in the wake of a 2001 financial crisis. In 2005 his government negotiated the restructuring of the country’s $81 billion in bond debts and on December 15 of that year, he announced that Argentina would pay off its remaining $9.8 billion debt to the IMF. Despite his popularity, he chose not to seek reelection, yet played an active role as an advisor to his wife and successor, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. There was broad speculation that he would run for president again in 2011. The Christian Science Monitor describes Kirchner as a “Latin American statesman” and quotes ruling party congressman Juan Carlos Dante Gullo as saying, “This will leave a huge hole in Argentine politics.” Clárin.com explores Kirchner’s life as a powerbroker and carries ongoing coverage.
Read an AS/COA Online article about Kirchner’s political career.
AQ regrets to share the news that former President of Argentina Néstor Kirchner passed away at his home in the southern Argentine town of El Calafate in Patagonia early this morning after suffering an apparent heart attack, the government reports. Kirchner, Argentina’s president from 2003-2007, and husband to current President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, had undergone two medical procedures to his heart in the past year. Reports stated that Kirchner was accompanied by his wife at the time of his death and that attempts to resuscitate him by medical personnel called to the scene failed.
Kirchner’s death marks the end of a career in which he became the name and face of the modern Peronist movement. Prior to assuming the presidency, Kirchner had served as mayor of Río Gallegos, capital of Santa Cruz Province, before becoming governor of the province from 1991 to 2003. Following his tenure as President, he was elected to be National Deputy of Argentina for the province of Buenos Aires for the term ending in 2013. He was also serving as Secretary General of the Unión de Naciones Sudamericanas (UNASUR) having been appointed to the post this past May.
Néstor Kirchner was 60 years old.
(Homepage photo taken June 15, 2010 and courtesy of Santiago Armas/Presidencia de la República, Ecuador)
The Cuban Government published a series of small business reforms in the state-run newspaper Gaceta Oficial on Monday, that allow for the recruitment of salaried employees in several key industries. The state plans to issue 250,000 self-employment licenses, and made public a list of 178 activities that qualify as legal private-sector ventures, including private restaurants and transportation, which marks a significant shift away from the 1968 legislation that nationalized small business in Cuba.
But there’s a catch. President Raúl Castro’s cabinet also introduced a personal income tax, from 25 percent to 50 percent of revenue, small-business owners and non-governmental labor’s salaries. Cubans who make less than 5,000 pesos (US$255) per year would be exempt from the new tax. Other new taxes include a 10 percent sales tax, a 10 percent real estate tax on Cubans who rent houses, garages or stores, and increased social security contribution of up to 25 percent of personal income.
Monday’s reform is the latest measure that the Cuban government has taken to revitalize an ailing economy. On September 13, the government announced that it would lay off 500,000 state employees over six months. In what is being labeled a possible break from Cuba’s government-dominant economy. The new legislation is intended to create an opportunity for the budding private sector to absorb many of the state’s newly unemployed.
When Governor Jan Brewer became vocal about and stood by Arizona Senate Bill 1070 (referred to as the “Support Our Law Enforcement and Safe Neighborhoods Act” after its approval), she catapulted her way into the Republican candidacy for the 2010 gubernatorial election, and most likely, an incumbent landslide victory over Democratic candidate Terry Goddard.
I recently had the opportunity to discuss SB1070 and related issues with Matthew Jette, who ran against Brewer in the Republican primaries. Jette faced harsh opposition from his party members in multiple occasions when he tried to bring some sense and rationality into the undocumented workers’ rights discussion and eventually lost the primaries because he stood by what he knew was right.
Had it been implemented as it was originally drafted, the bill would have made not carrying immigration documents a criminal misdemeanor and would have given state police officials the power to detain people based only on suspicion of their immigrant status and provided them the right to demand proof of holding federal identification papers. My conversation with him presents an interesting look at what SB1070 is really about.
The 12.7 million Peruvian voters who voted for mayors and regional government officials on October 3, 2010, continue to wait for official results from the Oficina Nacional de Procesos Electorales (ONPE) on who will be Lima’s next mayor. According to the latest tally, released today, with 95.8 percent of votes counted, Susana Villarán of the Fuerza Social party has received 38.4 percent of the votes (1,685,624 votes) and her opponent, Lourdes Flores has 37.6 percent (1,650,641). That is a difference of just 34,983 votes (0.797 percent).
The delay in official results is of great concern not only to the candidates, but to the entire city government. Given current projections, the winner of the mayoral race would likely enter office only five days before the delivery of 2011 municipal budgets.
The three-week delay has also led to speculation of voter fraud. In response, Fuerza Social is leading a protest today in front of the ONPE headquarters in Lima. The party is also calling on Lourdes Flores to join calls for a transparent and fair counting process. Either way, this election will mark the first time a female candidate will become Lima’s mayor.
Health officials in Haiti today confirmed that a first-in-decades outbreak of cholera has struck in the Lower Artibonite region just north of Port-au-Prince. So far doctors report the disease has killed around 140 people, and another 1,526 people are infected.
Imogen Wall, the UN humanitarian spokeswoman in Haiti said this morning that "This is a situation that's developed very quickly. It's only been 48 hours and we've already got 138 deaths confirmed." The response to the outbreak has thus far been led by a number of international aid organizations whose primary goal is to save those stricken with the disease and prevent further infections by providing purified water.
Cholera is transmitted though contaminated water and causes violent vomiting and diarrhea. It can kill healthy adults in a matter of hours by causing severe dehydration and is particularly fatal for children.
The Haitian government has not yet issued an official statement on the outbreak.
The European Parliament has awarded Cuba’s Guillermo Fariñas—psychologist, journalist and political dissident—the 2010 Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought in recognition of his defense of human rights. Fariñas is well-known in the international arena for staging more than 20 hunger strikes, leading to prison sentences totaling 11 years.
In announcing the awarding of this year’s prize to Mr. Fariñas, Parliament President Jerzy Buzek explained: “Guillermo Fariñas is an independent journalist and political dissident who was ready to sacrifice and risk his own health and life as a means of pressure to achieve change in Cuba… carrying the hopes of all of those who care for freedom, human rights and democracy.”
Mr. Fariñas is not the first Cuban laureate of the Sakharov Prize. Oswaldo Payá, perhaps the county’s most prominent political dissident, won the award in 2002, followed by Damas de Blanco in 2005—a group of women whose husbands are jailed in Cuba for protesting the regime. Damas de Blanco have been consistently barred by the government from collecting their prize in person, and Mr. Fariñas is not expected to be permitted to travel to Strasbourg, France, to receive this year’s award.
In his most recent hunger strike, Fariñas fasted for 135 days from February to July 2010 to pressure the Cuban government to free dozens of imprisoned political dissidents. He ended the strike when President Raúl Castro promised the Catholic Church that he would free 52 of the prisoners.
Estabilidad. When I speak with Ecuadoreans about their opinions regarding the occurrences of September 30, 2010, I am amazed by the consistency of the responses.
From Otavalo in the northern highlands to Puyo in the
Incredibly, not only has the general gist of “we´re tired of instability” been consistent in my conversations, but so has the way in which my friends, colleagues, food servers, cab drivers, and anyone else who will talk to me explain why they´re fatigued. Without fail, they go through the 10 administrations that fell due to social pressures. Ticking off on their fingers they list: Abdalá Bucaram, Fabián Alarcón, Rosalia Arteaga, Alarcón (again), Jamil Mahuad, Lucio Gutiérrez (president of the junta), Gustavo Noboa, Gutiérrez, Alfredo Palacio, and, finally, Rafael Correa. Some actually go all the way back to the first democratic administration after the military junta in 1979, that of Jaime Roldós Aguilera, and point out that even his presidency ended before the term was up. He died in an aviation accident. There is an almost fatalistic, predetermination to the logic of these explanations; presidents here don´t finish their terms, be it by plane crash or coup.
From the Americas Society/Council of the Americas. AS/COA Online's news brief examines the major—as well as some of the overlooked—events and stories occurring across the Americas. Check back every Wednesday for the weekly roundup.
Counting Numbers in Record-breaking Coverage of the Chilean Miner Rescue
More than 4 million page views per minute. Roughly 5.5 million live video streams on CNN. Approximately 412,000 social media mentions of “Chile” on October 13. Mashable Media reports on the record-breaking television and online viewership of the Chilean miner rescue.
Access an AS/COA Online resource guide to media coverage of the rescue.
In an op-ed for CNN, Americas Society’s Daniel Shapiro reflects on the fact that two of the Chilean miners rescued were identified as poets. "Chilean culture is steeped in poetry; poetry has become a life-blood of that country, ingrained in the bedrock as it were, over time," writes Shapiro.
Teodoro Penadillo Carmen, the man suspected of being a former high-level Shining Path guerilla known as “Comrade Rayo,” was arrested Monday while allegedly recruiting new members for the group in Lima. Penadillo is suspected of being the former Huallaga Regional Committee chief for the Shining Path according to Minister of the Interior Fernando Barrios. Peruvian counterterrorism police arrested Penadillo in the San Juan de Miraflores neighborhood of the capital after receiving intelligence that Penadillo was leaving the city to return to the Huallaga region, an area where the Shining Path guerillas are still active.
Penadillo’s return to the Huallaga region was anticipated as the Peruvian military captured Edgar Mejia Asencio, known as “Comrade Izula” last Wednesday. That operation left two other rebels dead in an area near the Huallaga River. Penadillo had been ordered to return to the region to assume command of the security squad for the Shining Path’s leader, Florindo Eleuterio Flores Hala, known as “Comrade Artemio,” who remains at large.
In its continuing campaigns against the Shining Path guerillas the Peruvian government has offered 1 million soles (US$385,000), while the United States has offered US$5 million each for information leading to the capture of the rebel group’s remaining leaders at-large—Comrade Artemio and Victor Quispe Palomino, known as “Comrade Jose.”
The Chilean government wants us to know that the country is on the verge of a major transformation. Just last week, President Sebastián Piñera told the press that, by the end of this decade, Chile will no longer be a developing country. He went even further: within 10 years Chile will become “the first country in Latin America to defeat poverty and to ensure justice for all of its citizens.”
Piñera made these claims last week during his government's massive, and entirely successful, rescue of 33 men who'd been trapped in the San José mine for two months. He was speaking to a huge, captive audience: there were around 2,000 journalists at the mine, dispatched from 40 different countries to cover the dramatic rescue.
The place felt like a big, awkward festival. Reporters and victims' families had set up tents among the rocks, a clown was singing songs to the miners' children and here and there people were grilling sausages over open fires. We all had name tags around our necks identifying us as press, family or rescue workers. Everyone was milling around, waiting for the rescue to start.
The president took full advantage of the situation, jumping into the limelight right away and staying there even after the last miner was hauled up from the mine shaft. He gave hourly press conferences. He spoke English to the international press. Dressed in a red windbreaker, he strode around the grounds slapping engineers on the back while his wife, in white, hugged the miners' wives.
But for all the president's brashness, the government wasn't taking any chances. This is one of the first times that Chile has been in the world's eye (many Chileans have been quoted as saying that “nobody knew what Chile was” before the accident) and the government seemed determined to make a good impression.
Of course, the international media was already impressed. From the moment that the miners were first discovered, the press seized on their story. It's not clear why, exactly, the story grew so big. After all, mining accidents in, say, China or the Democratic Republic of the Congo do not attract thousands of foreign reporters.
But as the weeks went by, more and more reporters poured into Chile. The Atacama Desert filled up with journalists, all under pressure to file daily stories while they waited for the rescue to begin. They fought bitterly among themselves for access to the miners' families, and survived on recycled scraps of gossip about life in the shaft. In this environment, it is not surprising that the Chilean government managed to impose its own narrative on the coverage.
In large part, this meant using secrecy and control. Chile's state-run television, TVN, was given the exclusive right to film the miners' rescue as it happened. They were allowed to set up cameras and reporters around the mine shaft itself, while the rest of the press corps was confined to a mountainside overlooking the operation. Too far away to see anything, we huddled in the press tent and watched TVN's feed on a big-screen TV.
Down in the mine, the government had already pressured the trapped men into signing a “secrecy pact,” a blanket non-disclosure agreement that forbids them to tell anyone about the discussions they had with the government while they were in the mine.
I spoke to Miguel Fortt, the engineer who designed the Fenix capsule and who served as a liaison between the miners' families and the government. He told me that the government had promised special, highly-paid jobs to a few of the trapped miners in return for their help in keeping order.
This is the main thing the government wants to keep secret. Piñera has been talking endlessly about Chilean unity and the lessons that the miners taught us about teamwork. In fact, it appears that the miners were quite divided at first, grouping themselves under three different leaders. Besides Luis Urzua, who became the government-recognized group leader, there was a former soldier and a contractor vying for the leadership position. Each group had its own rescue plan, most not involving outside help.
Faced with this chaos, the government imposed order from the outside, buying the loyalty of some of the miners and instructing them how to unite the rest into an orderly system. Then the world was shown image after image of the miners cooperating with each other, cleaning their cave and preparing, smoothly, for the rescue.
Piñera is using the mine rescue for two things. First, to show off Chile's economic power, and second, to show how the country has reinvented itself in the 20 years since Augusto Pinochet left power. No longer will Chile be known for dictatorship and state-sponsored torture; now it's pulling people up out of the darkness and into the day.
Piñera is trying to frame the rescue as a moment of unity for the country. We can all agree that mine accidents are horrible. But do all Chileans even agree on that? Miguel Fortt told me that in 2010 alone, there have already been 34 people killed in mining accidents, largely because of a lack of government regulation. These deaths have gone unreported; they aren't spectacular, they don't lend themselves to photo spreads. Who cares about the 34 deaths, when we have 33 survivors? Who cares, for that matter, that the Pan-American highway is littered with memorials to roadside deaths, because there are no highway police up north to stop reckless drivers from killing each other?
There continue to be two Chiles; one rich, focused on the outside world and calling for its investment; the other desperately poor and simply trying to get along. In the south, the displaced Mapuche are still trying to win back their land; their stories are also going unreported.
We can be impressed by Piñera's government and its beautifully run rescue operation. But let's not lose sight of other challenges in Chile.
*Kate Prengel is a guest blogger to AmericasQuarterly.org. She is a journalist based at the United Nations and was at the San José Mine
for the miners' rescue.
Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez traveled to Iran on Tuesday to meet with President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and discuss energy cooperation. On the agenda: the formation of a joint oil transportation company and the possible construction of petrochemical plants. While Chávez has already traveled to Iran nine times since taking office in 1999, Tuesday’s two-day visit is part of a multinational tour to strengthen Venezuela’s relationships with Middle Eastern and Eastern European countries.
Local Iranian television covered Chávez’ arrival, where he was greeted by Minister of Industry and Mining Alí Akbar Mehrabian. In a televised statement, Chávez reiterated his support for Iran’s controversial nuclear program, and criticized the “unfair sanctions imposed on the people of Iran” by the United Nations. The UN, the United States and many of its allies have said that Iran’s nuclear proliferation program seeks to produce weapon-grade material. Ahmedinijad and other Irani officials maintain that the uranium enrichment program is solely for energy purposes.
Chávez also took the opportunity to defend his own domestic energy agenda, which includes building a nuclear power plant in Venezuela. The plan has attracted widespread criticism from the U.S. in particular. But Chávez has dismissed the remarks as “the same story of the [American] empire and all of its worldwide networks to try to impede the independence of our people.”
Former Brazilian Partido Verde (PV) presidential candidate Marina Silva, who won 19 percent of ballots cast (about 20 million votes) in Brazil’s first-round presidential election on October 3, has chosen to not formally endorse either of the two candidates ahead of the second-round vote on October 31.
The polling gap between Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) candidate Dilma Rousseff and the Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB) candidate José Serra has been narrowing steadily in recent weeks as candidates seek to win over voters from Ms. Silva’s camp. An endorsement by Ms. Silva could have had an important impact on the race. Ms. Silva, a one-time environment minister in President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s government, said in a recent open letter that "not endorsing a candidate does not signify a neutral position, but an independent one, with (our) ideas and proposals reaffirmed."
Both presidential candidates faced off yesterday in the second televised debate of the election cycle. The major issue discussed was each candidate’s position on the privatization of state industries. Social issues like abortion, however, which the presidential hopefuls have recently used to draw votes from Ms. Silva’s camp, were notably absent.
I’ve never been one of those people who, in lamenting policy and politics in the U.S., builds up another country to disparage my own. Yet I must admit, this week I felt pangs of envy in hearing Québec officials talk with cool rationale about the economic calculations behind their immigration policies.
I was in Montreal on a trip organized by the Québec delegation in NYC. While I was there I had the opportunity to meet with high-level officials and community groups working on immigration and the integration of future and recent arrivals into Québec’s economy and society. The ways they described their policies and their future efforts couldn’t contrast more with what is occurring in the United States. For those in Québec, immigration is a demographic imperative: they need an influx of young workers to replace the province’s aging workforce. Getting them is critical to sustaining the province’s economic growth, competitiveness and paying for the pensions of those soon-over-the-hill French Canadians approaching retirement. As the Immigration Minister Kathleen Weil said, “We’re now in competition with Ireland and Australia for skilled labor.” (Her mention of Australia revealed the tough competitors Canada faces today in trying to attract immigrants, “Sure they have the weather and beaches, but they also have sharks,” she said trying to put the best face on Québec’s notoriously brutal winters. On this, I would also encourage the Ministry to highlight Australia’s baby-eating dingoes for the non-swimming immigrants thinking of setting up a new life in Australia.)
You would never hear the same immigration maturity just south of the Canadian border. While the problem of labor force replacement is more acute in Québec than in the U.S., we do need to worry about replacement rates for our declining fertility rates—and it is only going to become more serious. Between 2002 and 2012, 28 million jobs will be created in the U.S. requiring less than a high school education—given rising education rates in the U.S., the native-born population will not be able to fill that demand.
Like Québec, we also need a regular flow of immigrant labor too to shore up our social security system. Despite what the anti-immigrant nativists would have you believe, immigrants—even undocumented immigrants—pay more in taxes than they take out, providing a critical source of new revenue for those soon-to-be retiring baby boomers that threaten to bankrupt our social security system. According to a 2007 Social Security Administration Report just the addition of 100,000 new, net immigrants per year increases the long-range actuarial balance of our taxable payroll by .07 percent. If you multiply that with the approximately million immigrants that arrive on our shores each year, that’s a real revenue source.
Reports from Brazil this week indicate that the presidential candidates’ positions on abortion are becoming a significant factor in the country’s October 31 second-round contest between Worker’s Party candidate Dilma Rousseff and her Social Democracy Party opponent José Serra. Abortion has not historically played a prominent role in national elections in Brazil despite having the world’s largest Catholic population and a growing number of evangelical Christians.
The rise to prominence of the abortion issue is likely tied to the candidates’ efforts to woo supporters of Green Party candidate and evangelical Marina Silva, who dropped out of the race after winning an unexpectedly high 19 percent of the national vote. Analysts are now suggesting that the Workers’ Party’s traditional support for abortion and gay marriage may have cost Dilma Rousseff in the first round of voting and could play a defining role in the increasingly tight race's outcome.
In a televised debate last Sunday, Rousseff and Serra publicly clashed on the abortion issue. Serra accused Rousseff of changing her previous stance, while Rousseff responded that Serra “has a thousand faces” and accused him of slander.
Abortion is illegal in Brazil except in cases of rape or if the mother’s life is at risk. Estimates vary, but the Brazilian Ministry of Health claims one million illegal abortions are performed per year and are the fourth largest cause of maternal mortality.
Ecuadorian democracy is as strong as ever. There is freedom of information and expression. The Revolución Ciudadana (Citizens’ Revolution) is not only moving forward, but is radicalizing.
These statements, largely accepted as true both within and without
Following the police strike of September 30, President Correa has extended the estado de excepción (state of exception) for “at least” another 60 days, the constitutional limit. While the Ecuadorian assembly will continue to meet, debate and pass legislation, the president has the power to suspend the assembly at any moment and rule by decree. Correa has the full backing of the military in all of his actions.
The reasoning for the extension of the estado de excepción is vague and varied—restructuring of the police, the need for time to purge and prosecute those who participated in the “coup,” national security, etc. The great irony is that as states as dissimilar as Iran and Cuba and the United States and Chile have rushed to lend support to Correa in his strengthening of Ecuadorian democracy, an estado de excepción is inherently undemocratic; it is the suspension of the normal, democratic, constitutional order. And we’re in it through December.
De los tres poderes del Estado: Ejecutivo, Legislativo y Judicial, el gobierno de Evo Morales los tiene todos. Y quiere más. Se dice que el cuarto poder son los medios de comunicación. Y el quinto es el llamado “soberano”, el pueblo, que en la práctica se reduce a los llamados “movimientos sociales” afines al partido de gobierno.
El gobierno de Morales tiene mayoría en el Congreso, lo que le permite aprobar las leyes que crea convenientes sin ninguna dificultad, salvo el tiempo que debe invertir en el debate congresal que no es más que una puesta en escena del ejercicio democrático que por lo general sucumbe bajo el llamado “rodillo” oficialista y ante la impotencia de una oposición reducida al griterío. El poder Judicial fue poco a poco debilitado y sus componentes, uno a uno, liquidados para colocar de modo interino (es decir, indefinidamente) a nuevos miembros cercanos al partido de gobierno.
The government of Canada formally announced on Wednesday that bisephenol A (BPA), a primary chemical ingredient used to make clear, hard plastics, is a toxic substance. BPA also lines aluminum cans used for soft drinks, fruits and vegetables. According to Environment Canada, the government organization that banned the compound, BPA can negatively affect animals’ hormonal systems and thereby poses a threat to humans who consume those animals.
Six U.S. states have already banned the use of BPA in children’s products, but the U.S. federal government has not taken an official stance on the issue. Europe has taken the opposite approach and the European Food Safety Authority released a report that cited no conclusive evidence that BPA is harmful to humans or animals. France and Denmark have imposed temporary bans in the past.
Canada will begin enforcing the new legislation by limiting how much BPA can be released into air and water by factories that use the compound, to the dismay of the chemical industry. The American Chemistry Council condemned Environment Canada’s decision, claiming it will “unnecessarily confuse and alarm the public.”
From the Americas Society/Council of the Americas. AS/COA Online's news brief examines the major—as well as some of the overlooked—events and stories occurring across the Americas. Check back every Wednesday for the weekly roundup.
As World Watches, Chilean Miners Rescued
After nearly 70 days trapped underground, Florencio Ávalos became the first of 33 miners rescued from a collapsed Chilean mine just after midnight Santiago time on October 13. At the time of this report, the miners were being rescued one at a time in a capsule called the “Phoenix” that takes up to 20 minutes to ascend a tunnel measuring 2,041 feet (622 meters long). The dramatic operation, compared to the first moon landing for its complexity and the global attention garnered, has been televised, livestreamed, and tweeted. La Tercera carries an interactive regarding the mine rescue, including the rescue plan and image galleries, while the Gobierno de Chile website offers biographies of the miners and official coverage of rescue efforts.
On August 2, Mexicana de Aviación wrote the first pages of its version of Gabriel García Márquez’ Crónica de una muerte anunciada (Chronicle of a Foretold Death) as it successfully filed for bankruptcy. Mexicana argued that rising energy costs and the effects of H1N1 on air travel became too much for the company to bear. However the airline’s business practices have also been questionable for a long time.
Just like in García’s novel, the end result (the death of Santiago Nasar, the main character) became apparent immediately after the bankruptcy announcement. Anyone who had access to a newspaper, TV, radio, or the Internet knew this was the beginning of the end for Mexicana. What we did not know was the amount of time, and more importantly, government resources, this operation and its fallout would require.
Pilot and staff layoffs, air travel chaos, rising prices from Aeroméxico (its main competitor and now the only truly reliable source for national air transportation) and a myriad of customer complaints characterized the weeks that followed the bankruptcy declaration. On October 12, the Senate even announced the creation of a bicameral committee to deal with the break up, acquisition and restructuring of this business mammoth. As Andrew Ross Sorkin would put it, the government decided that Mexicana de Aviación was just too big to fail.
Unfortunately, this situation comes at a time when all major events in
Colombia will serve as a rotating member of the United Nations Security Council this coming January for a two-year term following approval of its uncontested bid to represent Latin America and the Caribbean alongside Brazil. This marks Colombia’s sixth time serving as a non-permanent rotating member of the Council, replacing Mexico as the second representative of the region. Other countries elected to serve as non-permanent rotating members include South Africa, Germany, Portugal, and for the first time, India.
Colombia’s bid for a seat on the Council was made official by President Juan Manuel Santos on September 24 during his address at the UN General Assembly, voicing Colombia’s commitment to assist UN efforts in maintaining international peace and security. However, Colombia’s bid was met with some opposition from neighboring Bolivia over concerns that Colombia’s presence on the Security Council would serve to expand the influence of the United States on the Council. Despite the concern, Colombia’s appointment was approved by 186 member countries.
In addition to the five newly elected countries, the Security Council’s other non-permanent members—Brazil, Nigeria, Lebanon, Gabon, and Bosnia-Herzegovina—will join the five permanent members (China, France, Russia, Britain, and the United States) for the 2011 term.
La erosión de la confianza en una sociedad significa la apertura de una caja de Pandora con consecuencias desastrosas. El pegamento que cohesiona a una sociedad es la confianza mutua que pudiese existir entre los niveles de interacciones que un determinado individuo pueda tener.
Es decir, yo debo tener confianza en mi familia, vecinos, conciudadanos, representantes políticos, burócratas, instituciones del Estado y gobernantes de turno para convivir con el mínimo sentimiento de esperanza que las cosas mejoraran para mí y los míos. Queda claro que los niveles de confianza varían entre actores. Por ejemplo, falta de confianza en el rumbo de un país por parte del sector privado nacional e internacional puede tener efectos adversos para el crecimiento económico. Así mismo, falta de confianza entre el pueblo y sus representantes políticos puede generar una espiral de ausentismo electoral o apatía en el sistema político de una nación. Esos tipos de confianza son bastante claros y fáciles de comprender.
Sin embargo, existe la confianza intra poderes facticos que puede y debe ser prioridad para el futuro de nuestras naciones. Esta confianza va mas allá de un simple relevo generacional, implica soltar las riendas a las nuevas generaciones sin ataduras. ¿A que me refiero? La clases políticas y empresariales tradicionales urgen de una repentina realización de que sin confianza expresa y concreta hacia sus relevos generacionales las sociedades pueden ser víctimas de dogmas e ideas ancladas en el pasado.
The five Caribbean islands comprising the Netherlands Antilles—Curaçao, Sint Maarten, Bonaire, St. Eustatius, and Saba—underwent a constitutional status change over the weekend, formally gaining autonomy from the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
Curaçao and Sint Maarten are now autonomous countries within the Kingdom, as opposed to their former status as island territories controlled by the Kingdom. They join Aruba and the Netherlands as the four countries that make up the Kingdom of the Netherlands. Aruba formally seceded in 1986; residents of Aruba, Curaçao, and Sint Maarten all hold Dutch citizenship but elect their own parliaments.
Similarly, the BES islands—Bonaire, St. Eustatius, and Saba—have become autonomous special municipalities of the Kingdom. The Netherlands still assumes military and diplomacy duties for these territories.
The federation’s autonomy from the Kingdom was a result of several referenda over the past few years across the five islands, with all but St. Eustatius voting to dissolve the Antilles. None voted for total independence. Curaçao and Sint Maarten complained that they were giving a disproportionate sum of money to the Kingdom on behalf of the BES islands, and thus desired financial independence. However, because of Curaçao’s debt to the Netherlands of roughly €2 billion, it has entered a long-term debt-relief arrangement with the Dutch government.
Latin America and the Caribbean are likely to grow 5.7 percent this year—twice the expected recovery for the United States—say the World Bank and International Monetary Fund in a report released this week. Regional output of goods and services is expected to continue to grow in 2011, although at the slower rate of 4 percent.
Brazil, Peru and Uruguay are expected to grow 7.5, 8.3 and 8.5 percent, respectively. The report highlighted Brazil as an emerging economic behemoth, thanks to credit growth and increased exports of iron ore, beef, soy, and sugar on the international scene, combined with strong consumption and poverty reduction at home.
Experts attribute the better-than-expected pace of Latin American growth—despite the global financial crisis—to a decade of good fiscal and debt management, strong commodity prices, growing foreign investment, and increased trade links with Asia.
The World Bank and IMF report cautioned against complacency, urging commodity-exporting countries in particular not to waste huge capital inflows on domestic financial excess, but instead set up windfall savings funds for emergencies. In addition, Luis Alberto Moreno, president of the Inter-American Development Bank, warned U.S. businesses not to miss out on the opportunity to develop ties to fast-growing economies. He said that for years, free trade in the U.S. has inaccurately been synonymous with loss of jobs. He also pointed out that, as a result of strong macroeconomic performance in the region and various free trade agreements, U.S. exports to Latin America increased 82 percent between 1998 and 2009.
Correa’s recent political maneuverings would make even Machiavelli proud. A recap of the official version of the events of September 30: a coup attempt by the police, allegedly planned by opposition politicians; the president held hostage for hours; the swift and decisive action of President Correa ensured the defeat of the opposition and the restoration of democracy.
Given that the president’s approval ratings have since jumped from around 50 percent (and falling) to over 75 percent, it would appear that at best, the populace believes him, and at worst, they don’t care. Unfortunately, the facts on the ground (without the government voiceover) tell a different story. Rather than enforcing democracy, Correa’s extension of the estado de excepción is a tragically ironic continuation of undemocratic rule.
In a region where close ties between civilian leaders and the military have historically been just as dangerous for democracy as deep divisions between the two groups, the current situation in Ecuador particularly disquieting. While Correa had (prior to the alleged coup attempt) threatened to dismiss the National Assembly if they did not pass his preferred version of various budget measures, on Saturday he vowed to not take this action. Initially, the combination of this promise, the announcement on Monday that the government would reconsider the austerity measures and likely raise police and military salaries, and the return of regularly scheduled news programming, hinted that Correa in fact had good intentions to meaningfully restore democracy.
Immediately after this morning’s announcement that acclaimed author and essayist Mario Vargas Llosa was awarded the 2010 Nobel Prize in Literature, congratulatory well wishes began flowing in from across the world—but perhaps none more pronounced than in Vargas Llosa’s native Peru.
Peruvian Minister of Culture Juan Ossio exclaimed that on top of Peru’s notable economic development, “now we have a universal writer… This prize elevates him much more.” Ossio announced forthcoming plans jointly coordinated between his office and the private sector to present a popular collection of the 2010 Nobel Laureate’s work for the general public.
The former president of Peru’s Congress, Martha Hildebrandt, praised Vargas Llosa’s award on Peru’s Canal N. Hildebrandt was a close political ally of former President of Peru Alberto Fujimori, who defeated Vargas Llosa in the 1990 presidential election.
Before noon in Lima, Vargas Llosa was already the number one “trend topic”—or the most talked-about issue worldwide—on Twitter.
Last week, the chief of staff to President Obama, Rahm Emanuel, chose to leave arguably the second most powerful position in the U.S. government to run for mayor of Chicago. Quite a development but one that shows the lure of a major city to someone as powerful as Mr. Emanuel.
But this is not that surprising when we recall how New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani captured the mood of America after 9/11, and how the influence of a mayor can occasionally transcend the actual city he leads. When Mayor Bloomberg recently exercised a leadership moment on the controversy regarding the mosque at Ground Zero, he ended up framing the national debate on this sensitive and controversial subject. Like it or not, cities and their first administrators are being called upon to play a greater role on issues affecting more than their actual jurisdictions and this is a welcome development.
Whether it has to do with climate change and other environmental concerns, it is obvious that large cities have a greater responsibility because of the density of their populations and their jurisdiction over local public transportation. If the issue revolves around employment, cities can play a pivotal role in keeping and in creating jobs by virtue of the quality of life they offer and their receptivity to businesses. When it comes to security and crime, city officials are the best guarantee for the needed security to enhance community life. And when we search for creativity and cultural expression, increasingly we see the inspiration and leadership coming from cities and their artistic communities.
Just last week the Mayor of Montréal Gérald Tremblay visited New York City on a trade mission with a special emphasis on creativity and as part of the city’s delegation to Advertising Week. To different and prestigious audiences, he articulated the many ways that Montréal and New York City have so much in common and how they have and can continue to cooperate in the future. The mayor’s enthusiasm extended to supporting a high-speed rail link between these two diverse and creative cities that are only 370 miles apart. We can expect more talk of common purpose in the months ahead from other mayors. Why, then, should we pay so much attention to cities?
Pedro Ferriz de Con (one of the most influential voices in Mexico’s radio airwaves) and I rarely see eye-to-eye on a number of issues. However, the dire need for a more efficient Mexican Congress seems to place us on somewhat common paths.
For about a year now, Ferriz de Con has been rallying support for his “intellectual revolution,” a movement mostly focused on eliminating party-list proportional representation in the Mexican Congress. His plight gained public support in late 2009 and early 2010 when the Juanitas scandal was unveiled.
For those who have forgotten or did not hear about this, the Juanitas scandal refers to a series of women who ran for Congress last year (through direct and proportional election) only to fill gender equality quotas and then cede their seats to their husbands, siblings and other contacts (all male) soon after. They were called Juanitas as a reference to Rafael Acosta Ángeles “Juanito,” another pseudo politician who ran for representation of the Iztapalapa delegation in Mexico City under the promise that he would give this position to Clara Brugada after the elections. The difference was that the Juanitas did not make their intentions to resign public until after the elections.
The Juanito and the Juanitas incidents were embarrassing moments in our political history. For a moment, civil society protested by supporting Ferriz de Con’s intentions to oppose proportional representation and inefficient government. But soon after, people went back to their daily obligations and forgot about these diputada replacements who nobody voted for and who shamefully continue to legislate in today’s Congress.
Ecuadoran Crisis: A Coup or Not a Coup?
Observers are debating whether last week’s political crisis in Ecuador constituted a coup attempt. A September 30 police protest against budget cuts led to the rioting, which claimed five lives and sent President Rafael Correa to the hospital after a tear gas attack. University of Mississippi’s Miguel Centellas says in his blog that it qualifies as an attempted coup because “if Correa had died…then we would have seen a new kind of government.” An Associated Press article suggests that “thursday’s tumult appeared instead to be a revolt that spiraled out of control.” Quito-based Carlos de la Torre writes in an OpenDemocracy piece that it “was not just a failed coup” but also “a protest by police that got out of hand.” In the wake of the crisis, polls indicate that support for Correa jumped ten points to 75 percent, his highest since 2008, reports El Tiempo.
Access an AS/COA resource guide to the crisis.
Police Unrest in Ecuador Leads to Purge and Pay Raise
After the September 30 crisis in Ecuador, Correa pledged to never forgive the police behind the unrest. However, since then, his government agreed to increase military and police wages and may work out a compromise to reinstate some eliminated benefits. Still, the national police has begun to experience the promised purge, with Police Chief Freddy Martínez resigning.
With 100 percent of ballots cast in Sunday’s mayoral elections in Lima now counted—but not yet verified—Fuerza Social candidate Susana Villarán is in the lead with 38.498 percent of votes compared to 37.588 percent for her opponent, Lourdes Flores of the PPC-UN, according to reports this morning from the Oficina Nacional de Procesos Electorales (ONPE). However, these numbers were based on the verification of just 74 percent of votes cast, leaving 26 percent of votes to be evaluated by elections monitors. The delay has been stirring suspicions of fraud in an election where the next mayor of Lima may be determined by less than 1 percent of votes cast.
Regardless of the outcome, Lima is poised to elect its first female mayor in five centuries. Currently in the lead, Susana Villarán has served as Peru’s minister for women and social development, represented Peru on the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, as well as participating in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. She wrote an article on female representation in judicial systems in a previous issue of Americas Quarterly. Villarán also staged an unsuccessful bid for the presidency in 2006.
Final results are expected to be announced by tomorrow.
Ecuador’s Congress has begun reconsidering the financial austerity bill that led to last week’s police uprising in Quito, which resulted in several deaths and the brief captivity of Ecuadorian President Rafael Correa in a local hospital. The law, which proposed cutting salaries and benefits for public servants in an effort to reduce the country’s fiscal deficit, led to violent rebellion particularly among police and military officers who disputed the reductions.
The president of Ecuador’s Congress, Fernando Cordero, who is also a member of Correa’s Alianza País party, confirmed that his Asamblea would revise the law and in fact increase the wages of certain public officials who protested last week. Policy Minister Doris Soliz echoed Cordero’s statement, and added that President Correa would not disband Congress and rule by decree—a move that he had suggested earlier and is constitutionally permitted.
Cordero praised the reforms but still warned that select government workers would still see their pay adjusted. The salary of police officers would not be affected.
The following is a translation of Paulo's post originally written in Portuguese. Read the original version.
The biggest surprise of the presidential elections in Brazil was the performance of Marina Silva, candidate of the Green Party (PV). The former environmental minister unexpectedly won almost 20 percent of voters to take the contest to the second round. The former PT (Workers’ Party) member, who ironically also carries a "Silva" as her surname, prevented the first-round victory of President Lula’s candidate, Dilma Rousseff, and postponed the presidential selection of South America’s most populous nation to October 31.
What made the "case" for candidate Marina even more interesting for political scientists is why candidate Dilma Rousseff’s victory over José Serra was taken for granted by analysts and statisticians. However, the numbers have not been able to predict the "Marina" phenomenon, which was inspired in many ways by the election of Obama through the use of social networks, speeches directed toward young voters and the focus on so-called sustainability. Strictly speaking, Marina took many votes from Dilma who counted on President Lula’s government and his nearly 80 percent approval.
Marina Silva was until recently unknown to the general public, since her party, the PV, was established in Acre, one of the country’s most distant states located in the far north. In this election, however, candidate Marina "lost winning" and is already being courted by both major political parties to give her endorsement. These parties have shared power for 16 years with the two administrations of Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva. Marina, in fact, got what she wanted. She helped to balance the PT-PSDB relationship, and did more than expected in this first attempt to reach the Presidential Palace.
She has history. Coming from a poor family like Lula, Marina became literate at age 16, majored in history and was the companion of environmental leader Chico Mendes. In this election, she became the third way between political giants and developed a campaign that could be considered exemplary in terms of market and online mobilization.
However, what most analysts are still trying to understand is how far Marina’s “green wave” was not helped by the remarkable growth of the Evangelical segment, which now represents 19 percent of the population. This is because, apart from being a poor, black nortista and ex-maid, Marina is also an Evangelical, a religious identity that overwhelmingly grows in the C and D economic classes and in the outskirts of Brazil.
In the case of this election, rumors on the Internet that Rousseff was anti-Christian and pro-gay marriage triggered a conservative anti-Dilma wave. This helped Marina.
Moreover, there is also the case for many progressive voters, who generally vote for the PT, but were disappointed with the corruption in Lula’s administration and sought a new center- left alternative: Marina. For these voters, Marina is the hope of continuing the Lula administration’s social policies without corruption fears.
The question that remains now in the second round is whether Marina Silva will support Dilma and the PT, with whom she had serious disagreements on environmental issues, or José Serra (PSDB), who she criticized for years by branding him as a conservative and neo-liberal.
The puzzle is not easy. According to first-round results, Serra would need to get 85 percent of the votes from Marina to prevail in the next round, while Dilma only needs 20 percent. Over the next few days, the media’s eyes will be looking for an announcement from that frail-looking, young lady who showed her strength in an election that seemed to have marked cards.
* Paulo Rogério is guest blogger for AmericasQuarterly.org. He is the founder of the Instituto Mídia Étnica in Salvador, Brazil, and wrote in the Winter 2010 issue of Americas Quarterly. Read his AQ article.
A maior surpresa das eleições presidenciais do Brasil foi o desempenho da candidata Marina Silva do Partido Verde (PV). A ex-ministra do Meio Ambiente conseguiu um resultado inesperado no pleito de 2010 ao abocanhar uma fatia de quase 20 por cento de eleitores e levar a disputa para o segundo turno. A ex-petista, que ironicamente também carrega um "Silva" como sobrenome, impediu a vitória, no primeiro turno, da candidata do presidente Lula, Dilma Rousseff, e adiou para 31 de outubro a escolha do chefe, ou da chefe, da mais populosa nação sulamericana.
O que tornou o “case” da candidata Mariana ainda mais interessante para os cientistas políticos é porque a vitória da candidata Dilma Rousseff sobre José Serra era tida como certa por analistas e estatísticos, porém os números não foram capazes de prever o fenômeno "Marina" que foi inspirado, em vários aspectos, na eleição de "Obama", seja pelo uso de redes sociais, do discurso pautado no eleitor jovem e no foco na chamada sustentabilidade. A rigor, Marina tirou muitos votos de Dilma—que contava com aprovação do governo do presidente Lula que beirava os 80 por cento.
Marina Silva era até pouco tempo desconhecida do grande público, pertence a um partido pequeno (PV), além de ser um quadro político formado no Acre, um dos mais distantes estados da federação que fica no extremo norte do país. Nessa eleição, entretanto, como disse na campanha, a candidata Marina "perdeu ganhando" e já está sendo cobiçada para manifestar seu apoio pelas duas maiores agremiações políticas do Brasil que já se revezam no poder arrogantemente há 16 anos—com duas gestões de Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Luíz Inácio Lula da Silva. Marina, de fato, conseguiu o que queria, balançar a hegemonia (PT-PSDB), e fez mais do que o esperado nessa primeira tentativa de chegar ao Palácio do Planalto.
História ela tem. Vinda de uma família pobre, assim como Lula, Marina se alfabetizou com 16 anos, formou-se em história e foi companheira de luta do líder ambientalista Chico Mendes. Nessa eleição, tornou-se a terceira via entre gigantes partidários e fez uma campanha que pode ser considerada exemplar do ponto de vista do marketing e da mobilização on-line.
Porém, o que os principais analistas ainda estão tentando entender é até que ponto a "onda verde" de Marina não foi ajudada pelo notável crescimento do segmento evangélico, que já representa 19 por cento da população brasileira. Isto porque além de ser oriunda das classes populares, negra, nortista e ex-empregada doméstica, Marina também é evangélica, identidade religiosa que cresce de sobremaneira na classes C e D e nas periferias do Brasil.
No caso dessa eleição, boatos na internet de que Dilma Rousseff fosse anti-cristã e a favor do casamento gay, provocaram uma onda convervadora anti-Dilma que rendeu bons frutos para Marina - que usou igrejas como palanque eleitoral.
Por outro lado, há também o caso de muitos eleitores progressistas, que sempre votaram no PT, mas que ficaram decepcionados com os casos de corrupção na gestão de Lula e buscaram uma nova alternativa ainda no campo centro-esquerda, no caso Marina. Para esses, Marina é a esperança da continuidade das políticas sociais do governo Lula, mas sem o ônus da corrupção.
A pergunta que fica agora é se no segundo turno Marina Silva apoiará a candidata Dilma do PT, com quem teve divergências séria sobre questões ambientais ou o candidato José Serra (PSDB) ao qual teceu severas críticas durante anos tachando-o de conservador e neoliberal.
O quebra-cabeça não é fácil. Serra precisaria obter 85 por cento dos votos de Marina para virar o jogo eleitoral, já Dilma, precisa apenas de 20 por cento para se tornar uma das mulheres mais poderosa do mundo. Nos próximos dias os olhos da mídia estarão atentos para o pronunciamento daquela jovem senhora, de aparência frágil, que mostrou sua força numa eleição que parecia ter cartas marcadas. Nesse jogo eleitoral vamos ver quem vai "ganhar ganhando".
* Paulo Rogério Nunes é blogger convidado do AmericasQuarterly.org. Ele é fundador do Instituto Mídia Étnica em Salvador, Brazil, e é um dos autores na edição de inverno de 2010 da revista Americas Quarterly. Leia seu artigo na AQ.
La llamada Farc-política cobró su primera víctima la semana pasada: La Senadora del Partido Liberal, Piedad Córdoba. Con una de las inhabilidades más largas que se hayan producido en la historia del país, la Procuraduría determinó que la legisladora no podrá ejercer cargos públicos en los próximos 18 años, lo que sin duda la borraría, por lo menos en lo que al engranaje del Estado se refiere, de la vida política del país. Los argumentos que arguye el Ministerio Público tienen que ver con la caja de pandora que se abrió con el hallazgo de los computadores del extinto jefe guerrillero Raúl Reyes, tras el polémico bombardeo a su campamento en Ecuador. En las comunicaciones halladas la legisladora aparece como presunta interlocutora de varios miembros del Secretariado de las Farc a los que le promete llevar su mensaje revolucionario a escenarios internacionales.
En otras palabras, según el procurador Alejandro Ordoñez, Piedad habría venido actuando como vocera y promotora de las Farc. Hay que hilar muy finito y delgado para llegar a tal aseveracion y hasta ahora los sustentos jurídicos son muy flojos. Lo que se ha adjuntado al expediente son un intercambio de e-mails, transcritos además en formato word, en los que ‘Teodora', 'Teodora de Bolívar', la 'negra' o la 'negrita' intercambia correspondencia con miembros del Estado Mayor Conjunto de las Farc. Ordoñez concluye que estos alias corresponden a Piedad porque los temas tocados en los e-mails coinciden con la agenda de la Senadora tanto local como internacionalmente. También concluye sin mayor fundamento, que ella es la que responde los mensajes, y que sus pronunciamientos en foros en distintos países hablando “mal” del Estado colombiano, son una promoción del terrorismo. Incluye a sus pruebas, fotografías con guerrilleros en los que Piedad aparece reunida en el marco de su labor como mediadora para la liberación de secuestrados—imágenes que hasta en su momento se tomó el Presidente de Wall Street, Richard Grasso con Raúl Reyes en plena zona de distensión—y 52 conversaciones telefónicas—las transcripciones, no los audios—que la senadora habría tenido con las Farc y el Eln.
Although stocks are not likely to be affected by yesterday’s election, the Brazilian real is likely to continue appreciating ahead of what will now be a second round of voting.
Catching some observers by surprise, presidential candidate Dilma Rousseff, the former chief of staff to President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, received 46.9 percent of total votes cast in national elections on Sunday—just shy of the 50 percent needed to avoid a runoff election against former São Paulo Governor José Serra. Mr. Serra won 32.6 percent of the votes, followed by Green Party candidate Marina Silva, who captured 19.3 percent.
Going into the election, the Brazilian real, traded at about 1.68 per dollar, its highest level since the September 2008 financial crisis in the United States. This is a clear change from most past elections that have been preceded by market jitters.
With the presidential decision now on hold until a second round on October 31, the government is unlikely to make any moves that could affect the exchange rate. "In the near term, the Brazilian real is likely to continue to strengthen as the government will put off any announcements of policies to help weaken the currency," said Doug Smith of Standard Chartered Bank.
Stay tuned for more election coverage from AQ Blogger, Paulo Rogerio.
(Homepage photo by Roberto Stuckert Filho.)
Susana Villarán appears to have squeaked into Lima’s mayorship with the narrowest of margins, amid fearmongering that the human rights activist could be a “trojan horse” for radical leftists.
Villarán, a moderate, will be Lima’s first leftist mayor since 1983, and the first elected female mayor in five centuries.
With 58.4 percent of the votes counted, Villarán had 38.95 percent, compared with Lourdes Flores, a lawyer and two-time presidential candidate, who secured 36.85 percent. Fernando Tuesta, a respected pollster at Lima’s Catholic University, told Peruvian daily La Republica the margin giving Villarán a victory, although small, was almost certain to stick.
With Peru’s economy bouncing back strongly from last year’s global recession, Lima is benefiting from a boom in construction, strong inflows of foreign direct investment and the rapid growth of a new middle class.
June 1: This AQ-Efecto Naím segment looks at sustainable cities in the hemisphere.