Seven Ideas for Defeating Drug-Related Violence in Mexico

February 17, 2010

As headlines continue to report a tale of horror, violence and massacre in what had seemed to be a peaceful country, a growing debate stirs on whether or not Mexico’s government stands a chance to win the war on drugs.

The general consensus is that President Felipe Calderón has inherited a cancer that the Partido Revolucionario Institucional(PRI regime) had contained through institutionalization of corruption. This is a cancer that former President Vicente Fox was unable to effectively cope with when he took office, ending the PRI’s hold on power. Now Felipe Calderón is trying to get rid of this disease by beating it with a big stick and empowering the military to crack down on criminal organizations such as the Zetas and Beltrán Leyva’s group , but as Ana María Salazar has stated recently, “Mexicans are paying a huge price”

Calderón’s war on drugs seems limited if the goal is to effectively address the complex issue of drug-related violence. A recent conversation I had with a group of Thunderbird School of Global Management and Tec de Monterrey postgraduate students proves there are at least seven more ideas that the President should consider incorporating into his strategy:

1. A hard line political and militarily line is needed, but we should recognize this is not the path to a solution. This part of the strategy should be seen as mere containment. Just like the Planarian worms if you try to cut the head off a criminal organization, it will grow back and sometimes even multiply , but you need to keep doing so to prevent the worm from growing stronger.

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Mexico’s PAN-PRD Alliance

January 28, 2010

Mexican politics are frustratingly fascinating.

This seems like a paradox, but then again, so does our history as a modern state. With presidential elections 2.5 years away, unlikely candidates and alliances are already beginning to form. This leaving me wondering if this country has any recollection of the political roads we’ve traveled and the costs they’ve instilled on us.

Let’s retrace our steps for a minute. The Mexican Revolution that started 100 years ago was supposed to set the basis for a system, which would alleviate the poverty gap, provide better worker conditions and at the very least, treat citizens with respect and provide the political rights that people lacked.

But this complex era in Mexican history resulted in what Luis Aboites Aguilar called (in a very politically-correct manner) “a political arrangement which made stability possible in the long term.” Along came the time of the PRIismo, an authoritarian regime with a masked one-party system run by the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI). As they had with Diaz, once again Mexicans deposited their trust in a strong presidential figure who fed them with the possibility of a better tomorrow.

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Major Political Reforms Proposed in Mexico

December 16, 2009

In the most dramatic proposal for political reform in decades, Mexican President Felipe Calderón announced yesterday a 10-point plan aimed at revamping Mexico’s political system. Among the many reforms, the proposal would allow independent candidates to run for office and relax term-limit rules for legislators, allowing lawmakers and mayors to hold office for up to 12 years.

The legislation would also reduce the number of seats in the chamber of deputies by 20 percent to 400 seats, and reduce the number of senators from 128 to 96. Calderón also included a provision that would require, for the first time, a runoff election in presidential races in which no candidate obtains more than 50 percent of total votes cast. If passed, the reforms would dramatically alter Mexican politics. According to Calderón, “the idea is to give citizens more power, to give them the capacity to shape public life and to strengthen our democracy.”

Reactions to the proposal have been mixed. The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) expressed its approval for most of the provisions, but refuted the need for runoffs in presidential races. The Democratic Revolution Party (PRD) rejected the proposal altogether. Gustavo Madero, leader of the Senate’s National Action Party (PAN) party, spoke highly of the proposed reforms, saying they present an opportunity to “leave behind formulas originated in the days of the monolithic PRI.”

Congress will officially debate the proposal in 2010.

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Mexico's New Refinery: The Wait is Finally Over

August 19, 2009

In 2008, in the midst of the debate over oil reform, Mexican President Felipe Calderón promised to build a new refinery. Now, one year down the road, the refinery’s location and a $9 billion investment have finally been chosen in a process that was the victim of a slow-moving bureaucratic machine.

Whenever it had seemed that the final decision will at last be announced, some other delay appeared. The process to pick a spot, secure land and actually begin the construction has revealed many of the inefficiencies of the Mexican state, including the lack of a trustworthy land registry and the inability of both federal and state governments to move forward with their decisions.

Calderon's choice—or failure to make one—surprised quite a few. Instead of keeping the old Mexican tradition of vertical orders, he started a contest for the refinery. States who felt they could manage the facility were to send proposals and studies to Pemex (the state oil company), and technicians in the company would then decide for the president. After months of bitter debate in the media between governors and pundits, oil experts announced the winner, or rather a winner and a half, on April 14. The state of Hidalgo, some 50 miles (80 kilometers) north of Mexico City, was selected as the preferred refinery location. But since Hidalgo is governed by the opposition Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), the president’s party (National Action Party – PAN) received a consolation prize: expansion of the existing refinery in Guanajuato, a state they govern. The "award" was given on the condition that states acquired and donated to Pemex the land needed for the refineries in less than 100 days.

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A Green Opportunity in Mexico

June 30, 2009

Passage of climate change legislation in the U.S. House of Representatives last Friday was the United States’ first step in a more robust, forward-looking policy to cut greenhouse-gas emissions. But look to the other side of the Rio Grande and you’ll find a country that is showing new leadership in going green.

Yes, the outlook for Mexico may be somewhat grey these days if you're looking at the economic situation or the loss in tourism revenue. But Mexico is fast becoming one of Latin America’s best examples of how a government can address climate change and open the door for greater use of alternative energy.

Mexico’s role is quite welcome in a region that lags behind the world in terms of its investments in alternative renewable energy and in fighting climate change.  In 2007, Latin America produced just 1.7 percent of global renewable energy, including wind, solar, geothermal, and small hydro energy. This correlated with the region’s ability to attract a meager 3 percent of the $87 billion globally invested in renewable projects. And while Latin America may not be a big contributor of carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions, climate change is intensifying tropical rains, tornados, hurricanes, and dry seasons across the world. Mexico and the rest of the region stand to lose out by not taking action now.

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Daily Focus: Two U.S. Citizens Detained in Mexico for Kidnapping

May 28, 2009

Two Americans from southern California, 20-year-old Teddy Toledo and his 17-year-old sister, stand accused of abducting a 19-year-old hardware store clerk in Tijuana, Mexico. On Monday, the victim was rescued by army troops and the siblings were arrested along with two Mexican nationals—all four are tied to the Tijuana drug cartel headed by Teodoro Eduardo García Simental, or “El Teo.” The alleged kidnappers are reported to have asked for a $1 million ransom, though the sister has denied having any connection to the crime.

In an interview at the Morelos military base, the kidnapped man said that he had been mistaken for the store owner’s son.  For six days, he was held and bound with little access to food or water.

Baja California Attorney General Rommel Moreno Manjarrez said the cross-border nature of the crime highlights the need for collaboration between U.S. and Mexican authorities.  Since taking office, President Felipe Calderón has deployed more than 45,000 soldiers and 20,000 federal police officers across Mexico to reduce the violence and crimes committed by drug cartels, and in turn, border drug runners have increasingly turned to kidnapping as another means of making money.

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